Back to Home Page

Report: I Become a Guinea Pig, by John H. Andrus, [19--]

printer-friendly version
 
"I B e c o m e a G u i n e a P i g"
An episode from
"B i g M o m e n t s
in a
Little L i f e
"
By John H. Andrus.
See p. 9.
A E T
9.
 

    I B e c o m e a G u i n e a P i g

    By John H. Andrus

    The doctor scrubbed a spot on my arm with a piece of
alcohol-saturated cotton, inserted a hypodermic needle,
slowly pressed the plunger and I was richer by one cu-
bic centimeter of blood, taken but a moment before from
a vein of a fellow-soldier, Wallace Forbes. At that
time his temperature was 102.6° F. and he was at the
height of a pronounced case of yellow fever.

    Forbes had been innoculated with the disease by the
injection of one-half cubic centimeter of blood from a
"natural" case that had proven fatal.

    The "shot" was given me at 12:15 p. m., Jan. 25, 1901.
At that time the same amount of Forbes' blood was injec-
ted into four volunteers who had recovered from yellow
fever given them by the bite of infected mosquitoes.

    After my innoculation I stepped into an ambulance and
was driven to Camp Lazear to await developments. There
could be but one outcome. I knew that, from the instant
that needle pierced my skin, no power on earth could pre-
vent my getting yellow fever.

    Six days later, (Jan. 31, 1901), Major Walter Reed,
in a letter to the Surgeon-General of the Army, George M.
Sternberg, wrote of my case: "Although our immune (Mos-
quito-made) cases, four in number, have shown no sympt-
oms whatever, I am very unease about the non-immune sol-
dier who got the same amount of blood at the same time.
He seems to have acquired a very serious infection, his
temperature running along the 104° line now for three
days...Should he die I shall regret that I ever under-
took this work. The responsibility for the life of a
human being weighs upon me very heavily just at x present ,
and I am dreadfully melancholic. Everything is being
done for him that we know how to do." (Extract from
page 227 of the biography of General Sternberg.)

    In those days yellow fever had not found a place among
the unpleasant things that could be forgotten. On the
contrary, it was so well up on the list of great scourges
that foreign countries - or sections of our own country
where it was known to be epidemic - were rigidly quaran-
tined.

    1

    9.

 

    Tropical Diseases - with special emphasis on yellow fever.
This Board met at Columbia Barracks, Cuba, in May, 1900.
It was composed of Major Walter Reed and Acting Assistant
Surgeons (Contract Doctors) JamesvCarroll, Jesse W. Lazear
and Aristides Agramonte.

    After the Board had proven several theories groundless,
Major Reed decided to investigate a theory originally ad-
vanced by Dr. Carlos J. Finlay, of Havana, in 1881, that
yellow fever b is transmitted by mosquito-bite. This
theory had never been accepted by the medical profession
and, in spite of more than 100 experiments on human beings,
between 1881 and 1895, Dr. Finlay had been unable to
demonstrate it.

    It was thought necessary to use human beings as sub-
jects in the experiments as it was not known at that time
that there are one or two species of monkeys that can be
given the disease. Major Reed and Doctors Carroll and
Lazear agreed to submit themselves for innoculation.
Dr. Agramonte, the Cuban member of the Board, having had
the disease, was immune.

    While Major Reed was temporarily absent on official
business, Dr. Carroll was innoculated by an infected mos-
quito, August 27, 1900, and had a severe attack of yellow
fever. While this was the first successful innoculation,
it was not accepted as conclusive as Dr. Carroll had been
within the epidemic some several times during the period
of incubation.

    The second case was referred to in official records as
"X. Y." for the reason that his innoculation was without
military authorization. This was Private William H.
Dean, Troop "B", Seventh Cavalry. He was bitten by the
same mosquito that had innoculated Dr. Carroll, four days
before, and by three other mosquitoes. He had a very
mild attack.

    Dr. Jesse W. Lazear watched a mosquito feed on his
hand in Los Animas - the yellow fever hospital in Havana -
on September 13, 1900. He died of yellow fever Septem-
ber 25, 1900, a martyr to science.

    Encouraged by these successes with the "mosquito
theory", the Board decided to prosecute that phase of the
investigation with added vigor and, at the same time,
to investigate an entirely different theory.

    2

    9.

 

    4

    military authorization. This was Private William H. Dean,
Troop "B", Seventh Cavalry. He was bitten by the same mos-
quitg
that had innoculated Dr. Carroll, four days before, and
by three other mosquitoes. He had a very mild attack.

    A Martyr to Science:

    The case of Dr. Lazear was the single tragedy to mar the
work of the Board. It sacrificed the life of a young scien-
tist on the threshold of what promised to be a brilliant ca-
reer. Educationally, Dr. Jesse W. Lazear was the product of
Washington and Jefferson, Johns Hopkins and Columbia Univer-
sities, Bellevue Hospital and the Pasteur Institute. He had
studied bacteriology and entomology in the United States and
Europe.

    A paper read by Major Reed before a meeting of the American
Public Health Association, at Indianapolis, Oct. 22 - 26, 1900,
said: "Dr. Lazear, while on a visit to Los Animas Hospital,
Sept. 13, 1900, and while collecting blood from yellow
fever patients for study, was bitten by a Culex mosquito...
As Dr. Lazear had been previously bitten by a contaminated
insect without after effects, he deliberately allowed this
particular mosquito, which had settled on the back of his
hand, to remain until it had satisfied its hunger. On
the evening of Sept. 18, five days after the bite, Dr.
Lazear complained of feeling 'out of sorts`, and had a
chill at 8 p. m... The subsequent history of this case was
one of progressive and fatal yellow fever, the death of
our much lamented colleague having occurred on the even-
ing of Sept. 25, 1900."

    9.

    3

 

    General Albert E. Truby was a lieutenant and the Post Sur-
geon at Columbia Barracks when the Major and his Board were
there. There was very evident mutual esteem and respect be-
tween the distinguished scientist and the young officer.

    In his forthcoming autobiography General Truby - after
pointing out that Major Reed was in the United States at the
time of Dr. Lazear's tragic death will continue: "... In La-
zear's notebook .. the data on Carroll and Dean and those
who did not get yellow fever were clear, but Reed was
much troubled as to what to say of Lazear's case. I have
a distinct recollection that there were some notations in
Lazear's notebook which Reed thought were entries about
mosquitoes which Lazear had applied to himself. Reed
confided his suspicion to Kean and to me, possibly also
to Carroll and Agramonte. Reed believed that when
Lazear was taken sick he worried lest his life insurance
become forfeited if it became known that he had deliber-
ately infected himself with a fatal disease. Was this
the reason for Lazear's incomplete entries about himself
in his notebook? Did he withold facts to protect his
dear ones at this critical moment? Was this why he told
Gorgas and Carroll the story about [his] having been bitten by
a mosquito at Los Animas Hospital? Reed believed that
it was. A competent scientific investigator who had al-
ready produced two cases of yellow fever, Lazear certainly
would not knowingly let a mongrel mosquito bite him at a
yellow fever hospital, especially when he now knew the
danger. He was after information of tremendous importance
and the only way to get it was to be bitten by one of his
9.
4

 
own mosquitoes hatched and infected under his own super-
vision. But there was no way for Reed to prove this view
and so ... Reed finally decided to let it appear that he
was accidentally infected while in the performance of his
duties as a member of the Board, a possibility of course.
But all of us were convinced that Lazear had placed the
mosquito on his arm just as he did on Carroll in accor-
dance with b the agreement of the non-immune members of the
Board."

    A tablet to Dr. Lazear's memory, in the amphitheater of
Johns Hopkins Hospital bears this inscription, written by for-
mer President Eliot, of Harvard:

    "With more courage than the devotion of a soldier,
he risked and lost his life to show how a fearful pesti-
lence is communicated and how its ravages may be pre-
vented".

    9.

    5

 

    Fomite Theory Exploded:

    Up to that time it was the opinion, among the medical
profession as well as the laity, that yellow fever was
transmitted by fomites. This belief was so firmly im-
planted that it was the custom to thoroughly disinfect
clothing and bedding from sections where yellow fever
prevailed whether it had been contaminated by contact
with yellow fever patients or not.

    Major Reed had to be shown. There was erected, at
Camp Lazear, a one-room frame building 14 x 20 feet.
It was poorly ventilated and wood shutters excluded
germ-killing sunlight.

    Three groups of men, in turn, occupied this building.
Each night they unpacked three large boxes filled with
sheets, pillow-slips and blankets purposely soiled -
from contact with yellow fever cases - with black vomit
and other highly disagreeable matter. A new supply of
contaminated bedding was used for each group. Their
beds were made with this soiled bedding and the rest
was thoroughly shaken and distributed around the room.
Each morning the boxes were repacked. The men occu-
pied a near-by tent during the day. At the conclusion
of their ordeal each group was quarantined for five days
and returned to duty none the worse for their experience.

    The men who underwent the fomite experiments:
V
Dr. Robert P. Cook)
Levi E. Folk *(
Warren G. Jernegan*)
From Nov. 30 to Dec. 19, 1900.
20 days.
James L. Hanberry *)
Edward Wetherwalks*)
From Dec. 21, 1900
to Jan. 10, 1901. - 21 days.
James Hildebrand *)
Thomas M. England *)
From Jan. 11
to Jan. 31, 1901. - 20 days.

    (* indicates member of Hospital Corps detachment.)

    e

    Innoculation by Mosquito-bite:

    Having proved that the disease could NOT be transmit-
ted by fomites, the Board proved that it COULD be caused,
at will, by the bite of a species of mosquito twelve
days after one had fed on a yellow fever sufferer and,
from then on, as long as the mosquito lived. This spec-
ies was first called Culex Fasciatus, then Stegomyia
Fasciatus and, finally, Aedes Egypti.

    9.

    6

 

    It required a great many experimental innoculations -
each on a human being - to ascertain that there must be
a twelve-day incubation period before an infected mos-
quito can transmit the disease. That Major Reed per-
sisted, after many disheartening failures, is indicative
of his patience, thoroughness and determination. .It is
highly probable that Dr. Finlay did not discover that a
twelve-day waiting period is necessary and that may
account for his inability to demonstrate his theory in
spite of more than 100 experiments.

    In Major Reed's work, eight American volunteers were
given yellow fever by mosquito-bite. While some of the
earlier innoculations were negative, and several innocula-
tions necessary to produce the disease, all of the last
series produced yellow fever with certainty.

    Infection by Blood-Innoculation:

    The reason for innoculation by the injection of infec-
ted blood is difficult for a layman to understand.
These experiments were useful in establishing that yellow
fever is transmitted NATURALLY by no means other than
mosquito-bite.

    They showed that the specific agent which caused the
disease is present in the blood, at least during the
first, second and third days of the attack. That the
blood which caused the disease did not contain bacteria
which would grow in any of the usual laboratory media.
That its passage through an intermediate host (a mos-
quito), although this seems to be nature's method, is
not necessary to the life-cycle of the virus.

    Blood-innoculation showed that the disease is caused
by a virus in that it cannot be seen in a microscope or
grown as a culture. This was proven by innoculating
some of the non-immune volunteers with serum filtered
through a bacteria-proof filter. (A Berkefeld filter
of unglazed porcelain.)

    The special reason for my innoculation will appear
later.

    I go to Columbia Barracks and Get a Job:

    When the Post at Guanajay was about to be abandoned,
because of a yellow fever epidemic, I applied for assign-
ment to China or the Philippines with the next detach-
ment of troops leaving Cuba for either place.

    9.

    7.

 

    The answer had been to send me to the probable "take
off place", Columbia Barracks.

    Then, early in October, 1900, I was detailed for duty
with the Board. When Major Reed and Dr. Carroll came
to Cuba, from the Army Medical College [School] , in Washington,
that they brought with them a hospital steward and a private
of the Hospital Corps. When the enlistment of the pri-
vate expired he did not re-enlist and the Post Surgeon,
Lieutenant Albert E. Truby, recommended me to Major Reed
for the job.

    Major Reed and Dr. Carroll were bacteriologists.
They set up a laboratory in the shanty that, when the
post hospital was in tents, had been the operating room.
Both spent a great deal of time at their microscopes in
a vain effort to find the micro-organism responsible
for yellow fever.

    My Cuban Farm:

    Most of my work was in this laboratory where, under
direction of Hospital Steward Neats, I had hundreds of
captive mosquitoes. Many of these had been matured
from pupae or larvae which I had obtained from recept-
acles containing stagnant water. Also, it was my job
to "raise" mosquitoes from eggs. As a female mosquito
cannot deposit her eggs until she has had a meal of
blood, I had allowed a great many mosquitoes to feed on
my hands and wrists.

    Both Major Reed and Dr. Carroll, as they were busy
at their microscopes and I with my "pets", talked of
plans for the work of the Board and of progress being
made, paying no more attention to me than to the furn-
iture.

    I

    I heard them discuss the fear that their "good luck",
in having had no deaths among the experimental cases,
might end and that a single death would "scare off"
additional volunteers and halt the work.

    Both expressed gratitude at their good fortune in
having the services of the yellow fever specialist, Dr.
Roger Post Ames. They attributed much of their good
luck to his fidelity and skill. On one occasion Major
Reed tolf Dr. Carroll that Dr. Ames' male nurse, Gustav
Lambert, wanted to volunteer for innoculation. Both
agreed that Lambert was too valuable, assisting Dr. Ames,
to risk breaking up the combination. I mention this
9.
8

 
because I have always felt that, while others have been
honored, these two have been unjustly left out.

    Another subject I heard discussed related to Lieut.
Albert E. Truby. After Dr. Lazear's death, Major Reed
planned to ask the Surgeon General to appoint Lieut.
Truby to fill the vacancy on the Board. The Major had
discussed this with the Lieutenant and both had agreed
to submit themselves for innoculation. The Department
Chief Surgeon, Major Kean, objected to the appointment
on the ground that Lieut Truby was badly needed by him.
The Major was disappointed and did not ask for the ap-
pointment of anyone else.

    I Hear a Discussion:

    On the morning of January 24, 1901, when Major Reed
and Dr. Carroll appeared at the laboratory, they contin-
ued a discussion that had evidently been going on for
some time. It appeared that a patient with experimen-
tal yellow fever (Forbes) had reached the stage where
his blood should be taken to innoculate the next sub-
ject and that the man who had volunteered had backed out.

    Major Reed insisted that he was going to have himself
innoculated. Dr. Carroll was pleading with him to
change his mind, pointing out that the Major's age was
against him and that a recent illness had left him in no
condition to fight yellow fever. The Major said that
if Dr. Finlay's latest theory was correct he would be in
no danger.

    I got only a vague idea of what the new theory was at
that time but, later, fould this explanation: In the
New York Medical Record of May 27, 1900, Dr. Finlay mod-
ified his original theory "to include the important cir-
cumstance that the faculty of transmitting the yel-
low fever germ need not be limited to the parent
insect, directly contaminated by stinging a yellow
fever patient (or perhaps by contact with or feed-
ing upon his discharges), but may be likewise
inherited by the next generation of mosquitoes
issued from the contaminated parent."

    Major Reed pointed out that he had allowed several
such "next generation" mosquitoes to feed on his hands.
(The hemoglobin of the blood seems necessary for the
maturation of the ovume of the female mosquito and she
will not deposit her eggs until she has had a meal of
blood.)

    9

    9.

 

    We had fed our blood to a great many mosquitoes hatch-
ed from eggs deposited by infected mosquitoes to deter-
mine whether they, in turn, would deposit eggs; whether
eggs they did deposit would hatch and whether the new
generation was normal. (Innoculation with yellow fever
seemed to have no effect on the insect.)

    The Major said that if Dr. Finlay's new theory was
correct he would have contracted yellow fever. On the
other hand, if he was innoculated with blood and got the
disease, it would indicate that he was not a natural
immune and that the modified theory was erroneous. He
admitted, when pinned down by Dr. Carroll, that he did
not think there was anything in it.

    They continued to discuss the Major's proposed innoc-
ulation, intermittently, until he left the laboratory in
something of a temper with the declaration that he would
be innoculated "tomorrow" and there was no use discus-
sing it farther.

    I Become a Guinea Pig:

    Next morning Dr. Carroll was first to reach the lab-
oratory. I asked him if I would not do as well as the
Major for the innoculation. He said "no" with apparent
regret, pointed out that the Major was determoned to use
this as a means of testing Dr. Finlay's modified theory
and briefly outlined the new idea. I told him I had
fed more mosquitoes hatched from the eggs of infected
insects than the Major had and my statement was confirm-
ed by Steward Neate.

    When the Major arrived Dr. Carroll sent me on an
errand. When I returned the Major asked me if I real-
ized what I was letting myself in for. I told him I
had nursed yellow fever at Guanajay Barracks and had
seen men die with it. He asked me why I was doing it
and seemed satisfied with my answer.

    I do not know what I told him but one thing is cer-
tain, I did not tell him - or even intimate - that I
had volunteered with the idea of "saving" the Major.
I didn't even think of it in that light. From what I
had heard Major Reed and Dr. Carroll say, I knew some-
thing of what proof of the "mosquito theory" would mean
to humanity. I knew that Major Reed was the main
spring that made the work of the Board tick and that if
he was sick of yellow fever and had a slow recovery - as
Dr. Carroll had - the work would all but stop.

    10

 

    Then, too, there is something in my makeup that has
always made me willing to "die for dear old Siwash" -
any old Siwash in which I was very interested.

    And here, as said in the movies, is where we came in.

    I was in an ambulance on my way to Camp Lazear - re-
member? There I was assigned to a small tent and at
liberty to go where I pleased, within the camp, while
the "bugs" with which I had been innoculated set up
housekeeping and raised families in my blood stream.

    One of the first things I did was to write home.
I told my Mother I had been detailed to accompany a troop
of the Seventh Cavalry on a practice march into the in-
terior of the Island and would not be able to write again
for two or three weeks. My conscience bothered me about
this. I wanted to leave things so that the folks at
home would not worry when they did not hear from me for
a while and that was the most reasonable explanation that
occured to me. I did not like the idea of lieing in my
letter for I realized that it might be the last letter
I would ever write home.

    Time passed slowly. I knew, from what I had heard
about previous innoculations, that there was a wide varia-
tion in the time between innoculation and the chill that
heralds the disease. I don't think I worried much - cer-
tainly not enough to interfere with my appetite. I had
a bad quarter-hour, however, when I heard that Dr. Ames
was sick and, himself, in the hospital. He had doctored
all of the experimental yellow fever cases and had not
lost one.

    What happened next is best told by the official report
of my case as printed in Senate Documents, Volume 61,
of 1911:

    ***Case IV. - J. H. A., American, non-immune, aged 22,
with his full consent, received subcutaneously, at 12:15
p. m., January 25, 1901, 1 cc of blood taken from the
median-cephalic vein of Case III, just 27 1/2 hours after
the commencement of the latter's attack of yellow fever
(Temperature 102.6° F.) The subject remained in his
usual condition during January 26 and 27, except that on
the afternoon of the last mentioned date he complained of
occipital headache. This was present on the following
morning, January 28; otherwise he felt well. His tem-
perature at noon was 98.6° F., and his pulse 68.
Occipital headache continued. He partook of dinner with
fair appetite
11

 
"He was not seen again until 3 p.m. In the meantime,
at 1:15 p. m., the subject states that, while alone in
his tent, he began to feel cold and that this was fol-
lowed by a decided chill with increase of headache.
He noted the hour in writing at the time. At 3 p. m.
his temperature was 103.6° F., and his pulse 120.
His eyes were intensely congested and the face deeply
suffused. (The official report does not say so, but
here is where I took a two-mule power ambulance
to the yellow fever hospital. I remember start-
ing but do not remember getting there.)
"The patient was very restless and complained bitterly
of occipital headache and backache. Photophobia was
very marked. He vomited several times in the next
two hours. Skin hot and dry. The height of the pri-
mary paroxyam was reached at 3:30 p. m. at which hour
the temperature was 104.2° F.,
and the pulse 120. The subsequence was one of severe
yellow fever. There was no remission of the fever un-
til the fourth day, when the temperature fell to 101.2°
F. Now, for the first time, the patient ceased to
complain of occipital headache and backache. Albumin
appeared at the end of 18 1/2 hours. * * A few hyaline
casts were also present at this time. The specimen of
urine passed at 6:40 a.m., January 30, contained albumin
one-twentieth by volume, and many fine and coarse, gran-
ular, bile-tinted casts. Ocular jaundice appeared on
the third day. The skin of the face and the anterior
part of the neck and thorax was tinted on the fourth day.
This rapidly became intensified and general. The secon-
dary fever lasted about 50 hours, the temperature falling
to 97.2° F. at 12 o'clock (midnight) of the fifth day.
Marked fluctuations of temperature continued until the
eleventh day of the illness. Recovery was slow and much
delayed by the development of a carbuncle on the left
sacral region. A trace of albumin was still present on
March first, 32 days after the attack begun. (Chart IV)""

    In this report, Major Reed emphasized occipital head-
ache. What he lightly dismisses as "backache" lingers
in my memory as intense and unremitting pain. I shall
refer to it again later.

    The "carbuncle" referred to provided opportunity for
Dr. Ames and Lambert to demonstrate why Major Reed regar-
ded their fidelity and abilities so highly. When my
carbuncle developed, the doctor who was pinch hitting for
Dr. Ames did nothing to relieve me. This worried Lam-
bert and he went to the post hospital and, after waiting
12

 
until Dr. Ames' nurse - Miss Nellie Lewis - had left his
room, he told Dr. Ames about me. Dr. Ames had Lambert
and another Corps man carry him, on his bed, to my bed-
side where he opened my carbuncle. When Lambert return-
ed Dr. Ames to his room, Miss Lewis had summoned the Post
Surgeon, Captain Stark, and the latter threatened to have
Lambert court-martialed. Dr. Ames told Captain Stark
that Lambert was only carrying out his (Ames') orders.

    out

    My enlistment expired April 24, 1902 and I left the
Army. Then my yellow fever experience was no more than
an interesting memory until late in 1929 when a friend
wrote asking whether I knew there was a bill affecting
me in congress.

    On getting a copy of the bill, I found that it pro-
vided an annuity of $1500. for life, a gold medal and
inclusion on an honor roll to be published annually in
the Official Army Register. (The names which appear
on the honor roll will be given later.) Unfortunately,
my name was in the bill as "James A. Andrus". The bill
was approved by President Hoover Feb. 28, 1929. Then
it was necessary for Congressman Wolverton to put through
a special bill to correct my name.

    That "Backacke."

    For quite a number of years there has been something
wrong with my spine. It was thought [by my doctors] to be arthritis.
From 1918 until 1932 I wore a steel, spinal brace.
March first, 1932, I could no longer walk and had to go
to bed. From May 13 until Oct. 6, 1932, I was at
Walter Reed Hospital, Washington, where my trouble was
diagnosed as "syringo-myelia" and I was told I could
never walk again. As this is written (October, 1940,)
I am still bedfast.

    I do not know whether my condition is due to my hav-
ing had yellow fever or not. The doctors at Walter
Reed Hospital were unable to pin it on tuberculosis,
syphlis, or any one of several other possible causes.

    I cannot forget the intense back-pains incident to my
attack of yellow fever. Then, too, another of the vol-
unteers, John R. Kissinger, was bedfast with spinal
trouble several years although he has since recovered.
Senate report 210, on Senate bill 6272, passed Feb. 15,
1910, said, in part, * * "he is unable to furnish direct
testimony tracing his present grevious condition
back to yellow fever in the Army, although there
is but little doubt that the relation of cause and
effect exists. Since his discharge he has never
13

 
SP-11
been in good health, which he at first attributed
to slow recovery from that disease, thinking that
with the passing of time his constitution would
enable him to throw it off. He continued to fail,
however, and is now a helpless paralytic."

    I would rather think my condition is due to my humble
part in the work of Major Reed and his Yellow Fever
Board than from some mysterious and unaccountable cause.

    On those occasions when I am tempted to rail at the
fate that had kept me in bed so long, without hope of
ever being able to resume a normal way of life, I like
to think that I may have contributed, in some measure,
to such results as these:

    At the time Major Reed's Board was experimenting,
Major W. C. Gorgas was Chief Sanitary Officer on the
staff of General Leonard Wood. He is said to have had
some doubt about the "mosquito theory" at first. He
followed every development, however, and, when he con-
cluded that the "theory" was sound, he exterminated mos-
quitoes with the speed and thoroughness that marked his
work, later, as Chief Sanitary Officer on the construct-
ion of the Panama Canal. You may judge what the ver-
dict of "guilty" against the mosquito meant, in the
fight against yellow fever, by what it accomplished in
Havana alone. From 1880 to 1899 there were an average
of 483.7 deaths per year in Havana. In 1900 - before
the "theory" was accepted and the campaign of mosquito-
extermination launched - there were 1240 cases, in
Havana, with 302 deaths. In 1901 - when the war on
mosquitoes was only started - there were 30 cases and
but 6 deaths. The monthly record follows:

    
YearJanFebMarAprMayJunJulAugSepOctNovDecTotal
1900Cases24811551996219269308214621240
Deaths754025304952745424302
1901Cases00414048630030
Deaths0010001220006

    In 1901 mosquito-extermination was the only unusual
method employed. Results show, rather conclusively,
that it is the only method needed. Since 1901 yellow
fever has been unknown in Havana except a few cases
brought into the City from outside infection.

    In all parts of the world, due to the findings of
the Yellow Fever Board, under Major Walter Reed, yellow
fever has been stamped out by wiping out mosquitoes.

    14

 

     19

    Another of my Gloom Chasers:

    General Leonard Wood was Governor-General of Cuba at
the time Major Reed's Board was working there.
The General was a physician before he was a soldier.
He fully understood what the Major was trying to do.
He authorized the innoculation of soldiers who volun-
teered and, otherwise, lent every encouragement.

    At a memorial meeting of scientific men, in Washing-
ton, shortly after Major Reed's death, General Wood said:

    "I know of no other man on this side of the world
who has done so much for humanity as Dr. Reed.
His discovery resulted in saving more lives annually
than were lost in the Cuban war, and saves the com-
mercial interests of the world a greater financial
loss each year than the cost of the Cuban war.
He came to Cuba at a time when one-third of the of-
ficers of my staff died of yellow fever, and we
were discouraged at the failure of our efforts to
control the disease. In the months when the dis-
ease was ordinarily worst the disease was checked
and driven from Havana. That was the first time
in nearly 200 years that the city had been rid of it.
The value of his discovery can not be appreciated by
persons who are not familiar with the conditions of
tropical countries. Hereafter it will never be
possible for yellow fever to gain such headway that
quarantine will exist from the mouth of the Potomac
to the mouth of the Rio Grande. Future generations
will appreciate fully the value of Dr. Reed's ser-
vices. His was the originating, directing and con-
trolling mind in this work and the others were
assistants only."

    15

 

    . . . . . . . . . R O L L O F H O N O R . . . . . . . . .

    An act of Congress, approved Feb. 28, 1929, provides that:
"..in special recognition of the high public service rendered
and disabilities contracted in the interest of humanity and
science as voluntary subjects for experimentation during the
yellow fever investigations in Cuba, the Secretary of War be
directed to publish annually in the Army Register a roll of
honor on which shall be carried the following names:"

    

M E M B E R S O F T H E B O A R D


MAJOR WALTER REED - Chairman of the Board
Dr. JAMES CARROLL - Had experimental yellow fever
Dr. JESSE W. LAZEAR - Died of yellow fever
Dr. ARISTIDES AGRAMONTE -

    VOLUNTEERS INNOCULATED WITH YELLOW FEVER

    
Name of VolunteerMosquito
Innocu-
ulation
Blood
Innoc-
ulation
Fomite
Exper-
iment
Date
Taken
Sick
1William H. Dean (XY)x9- 6-1900
12John R. Kissinger *x12- 8-19001
3John J. Moranx12-25-1900
24Warren G. Jernegan *xNegativexo1-8-19012
35William Olsen *x1-11-19013
46Levi E. Folk *xo1-23-19014
57Wallace Forbes *x1-24-19015
68John H. Andrus *x1-28-19016
79Clyde L. West *x2- 3-19017
810James L. Hanberry *xo2- 9-19018
911Charles G. Sonntag *x2-10-19019
12Paul Hamannx10-19-1901
13A. W. Covingtonx10-19-1901
14John R. Bullardx10-23-1901

     Dunolley F F

    VOLUNTEERS EXPOSED TO FOMITES

    
15Dr. Robert P. Cook
4Warren G. Jernegan *From Nov. 30, to Dec. 19, 1900
-20 days
6Levi E. Folk
10James L. Hanberry *From Dec. 21, 1900,
to Jan. 31, 1901 - 21 days
1016Edward Wetherwalks *
1117James Hildebrand *From Jan. 11,
to Jan. 31, 1901 - 20 days
1218Thomas M. England *

    After submitting to the fomite experiment without getting the
disease, Jernegan (4) was twice innoculated by mosquitoes but
escaped infection; then innoculated by blood; the only volun-
teer to take all 3 experiments. Folk (6) and Hanberry (10)
were innoculated by mosquitoes. Wetherwalks (16), infected
by 12 mosquitoes, was not ill. Hildebrand (17) was refused
mosquito innoculation because of his age. Dr. Cook (15) and
England (18) were not innoculated - did not have yellow fever.
Names are from the official roll. Arrangement is author's.
* - Indicates member of Hospital Corps detachment.

    16