Report: I Become a Guinea Pig, by John H. Andrus, [19--] printer-friendly version |
 | "I B e c o m e a G u i n e a P i g" An episode from "B i g M o m e n t s in a Little L i f e" By John H. Andrus. See p. 9. A E T 9. |
 | I B e c o m e a G u i n e a P i g By John H. Andrus The doctor scrubbed a spot on my arm with a piece of alcohol-saturated cotton, inserted a hypodermic needle, slowly pressed the plunger and I was richer by one cu- bic centimeter of blood, taken but a moment before from a vein of a fellow-soldier, Wallace Forbes. At that time his temperature was 102.6° F. and he was at the height of a pronounced case of yellow fever. Forbes had been innoculated with the disease by the injection of one-half cubic centimeter of blood from a "natural" case that had proven fatal. The "shot" was given me at 12:15 p. m., Jan. 25, 1901. At that time the same amount of Forbes' blood was injec- ted into four volunteers who had recovered from yellow fever given them by the bite of infected mosquitoes. After my innoculation I stepped into an ambulance and was driven to Camp Lazear to await developments. There could be but one outcome. I knew that, from the instant that needle pierced my skin, no power on earth could pre- vent my getting yellow fever. Six days later, (Jan. 31, 1901), Major Walter Reed, in a letter to the Surgeon-General of the Army, George M. Sternberg, wrote of my case: "Although our immune (Mos- quito-made) cases, four in number, have shown no sympt- oms whatever, I am very unease about the non-immune sol- dier who got the same amount of blood at the same time. He seems to have acquired a very serious infection, his temperature running along the 104° line now for three days...Should he die I shall regret that I ever under- took this work. The responsibility for the life of a human being weighs upon me very heavily just at x present , and I am dreadfully melancholic. Everything is being done for him that we know how to do." (Extract from page 227 of the biography of General Sternberg.) In those days yellow fever had not found a place among the unpleasant things that could be forgotten. On the contrary, it was so well up on the list of great scourges that foreign countries - or sections of our own country where it was known to be epidemic - were rigidly quaran- tined. 1 9. |
 | Tropical Diseases - with special emphasis on yellow fever. This Board met at Columbia Barracks, Cuba, in May, 1900. It was composed of Major Walter Reed and Acting Assistant Surgeons (Contract Doctors) JamesvCarroll, Jesse W. Lazear and Aristides Agramonte. After the Board had proven several theories groundless, Major Reed decided to investigate a theory originally ad- vanced by Dr. Carlos J. Finlay, of Havana, in 1881, that yellow fever b is transmitted by mosquito-bite. This theory had never been accepted by the medical profession and, in spite of more than 100 experiments on human beings, between 1881 and 1895, Dr. Finlay had been unable to demonstrate it. It was thought necessary to use human beings as sub- jects in the experiments as it was not known at that time that there are one or two species of monkeys that can be given the disease. Major Reed and Doctors Carroll and Lazear agreed to submit themselves for innoculation. Dr. Agramonte, the Cuban member of the Board, having had the disease, was immune. While Major Reed was temporarily absent on official business, Dr. Carroll was innoculated by an infected mos- quito, August 27, 1900, and had a severe attack of yellow fever. While this was the first successful innoculation, it was not accepted as conclusive as Dr. Carroll had been within the epidemic some several times during the period of incubation. The second case was referred to in official records as "X. Y." for the reason that his innoculation was without military authorization. This was Private William H. Dean, Troop "B", Seventh Cavalry. He was bitten by the same mosquito that had innoculated Dr. Carroll, four days before, and by three other mosquitoes. He had a very mild attack. Dr. Jesse W. Lazear watched a mosquito feed on his hand in Los Animas - the yellow fever hospital in Havana - on September 13, 1900. He died of yellow fever Septem- ber 25, 1900, a martyr to science. Encouraged by these successes with the "mosquito theory", the Board decided to prosecute that phase of the investigation with added vigor and, at the same time, to investigate an entirely different theory. 2 9. |
 | 4 military authorization. This was Private William H. Dean, Troop "B", Seventh Cavalry. He was bitten by the same mos- quitg that had innoculated Dr. Carroll, four days before, and by three other mosquitoes. He had a very mild attack. A Martyr to Science: The case of Dr. Lazear was the single tragedy to mar the work of the Board. It sacrificed the life of a young scien- tist on the threshold of what promised to be a brilliant ca- reer. Educationally, Dr. Jesse W. Lazear was the product of Washington and Jefferson, Johns Hopkins and Columbia Univer- sities, Bellevue Hospital and the Pasteur Institute. He had studied bacteriology and entomology in the United States and Europe. A paper read by Major Reed before a meeting of the American Public Health Association, at Indianapolis, Oct. 22 - 26, 1900, said: "Dr. Lazear, while on a visit to Los Animas Hospital, Sept. 13, 1900, and while collecting blood from yellow fever patients for study, was bitten by a Culex mosquito... As Dr. Lazear had been previously bitten by a contaminated insect without after effects, he deliberately allowed this particular mosquito, which had settled on the back of his hand, to remain until it had satisfied its hunger. On the evening of Sept. 18, five days after the bite, Dr. Lazear complained of feeling 'out of sorts`, and had a chill at 8 p. m... The subsequent history of this case was one of progressive and fatal yellow fever, the death of our much lamented colleague having occurred on the even- ing of Sept. 25, 1900." 9. 3 |
 | General Albert E. Truby was a lieutenant and the Post Sur- geon at Columbia Barracks when the Major and his Board were there. There was very evident mutual esteem and respect be- tween the distinguished scientist and the young officer. In his forthcoming autobiography General Truby - after pointing out that Major Reed was in the United States at the time of Dr. Lazear's tragic death will continue: "... In La- zear's notebook .. the data on Carroll and Dean and those who did not get yellow fever were clear, but Reed was much troubled as to what to say of Lazear's case. I have a distinct recollection that there were some notations in Lazear's notebook which Reed thought were entries about mosquitoes which Lazear had applied to himself. Reed confided his suspicion to Kean and to me, possibly also to Carroll and Agramonte. Reed believed that when Lazear was taken sick he worried lest his life insurance become forfeited if it became known that he had deliber- ately infected himself with a fatal disease. Was this the reason for Lazear's incomplete entries about himself in his notebook? Did he withold facts to protect his dear ones at this critical moment? Was this why he told Gorgas and Carroll the story about [his] having been bitten by a mosquito at Los Animas Hospital? Reed believed that it was. A competent scientific investigator who had al- ready produced two cases of yellow fever, Lazear certainly would not knowingly let a mongrel mosquito bite him at a yellow fever hospital, especially when he now knew the danger. He was after information of tremendous importance and the only way to get it was to be bitten by one of his 9. 4 |
 | own mosquitoes hatched and infected under his own super- vision. But there was no way for Reed to prove this view and so ... Reed finally decided to let it appear that he was accidentally infected while in the performance of his duties as a member of the Board, a possibility of course. But all of us were convinced that Lazear had placed the mosquito on his arm just as he did on Carroll in accor- dance with b the agreement of the non-immune members of the Board." A tablet to Dr. Lazear's memory, in the amphitheater of Johns Hopkins Hospital bears this inscription, written by for- mer President Eliot, of Harvard: "With more courage than the devotion of a soldier, he risked and lost his life to show how a fearful pesti- lence is communicated and how its ravages may be pre- vented". 9. 5 |
 | Fomite Theory Exploded: Up to that time it was the opinion, among the medical profession as well as the laity, that yellow fever was transmitted by fomites. This belief was so firmly im- planted that it was the custom to thoroughly disinfect clothing and bedding from sections where yellow fever prevailed whether it had been contaminated by contact with yellow fever patients or not. Major Reed had to be shown. There was erected, at Camp Lazear, a one-room frame building 14 x 20 feet. It was poorly ventilated and wood shutters excluded germ-killing sunlight. Three groups of men, in turn, occupied this building. Each night they unpacked three large boxes filled with sheets, pillow-slips and blankets purposely soiled - from contact with yellow fever cases - with black vomit and other highly disagreeable matter. A new supply of contaminated bedding was used for each group. Their beds were made with this soiled bedding and the rest was thoroughly shaken and distributed around the room. Each morning the boxes were repacked. The men occu- pied a near-by tent during the day. At the conclusion of their ordeal each group was quarantined for five days and returned to duty none the worse for their experience. The men who underwent the fomite experiments: V Dr. Robert P. Cook) Levi E. Folk *( Warren G. Jernegan*) | From Nov. 30 to Dec. 19, 1900. 20 days. | James L. Hanberry *) Edward Wetherwalks*) | From Dec. 21, 1900 to Jan. 10, 1901. - 21 days. | James Hildebrand *) Thomas M. England *) | From Jan. 11 to Jan. 31, 1901. - 20 days. | (* indicates member of Hospital Corps detachment.) e Innoculation by Mosquito-bite: Having proved that the disease could NOT be transmit- ted by fomites, the Board proved that it COULD be caused, at will, by the bite of a species of mosquito twelve days after one had fed on a yellow fever sufferer and, from then on, as long as the mosquito lived. This spec- ies was first called Culex Fasciatus, then Stegomyia Fasciatus and, finally, Aedes Egypti. 9. 6 |
 | It required a great many experimental innoculations - each on a human being - to ascertain that there must be a twelve-day incubation period before an infected mos- quito can transmit the disease. That Major Reed per- sisted, after many disheartening failures, is indicative of his patience, thoroughness and determination. .It is highly probable that Dr. Finlay did not discover that a twelve-day waiting period is necessary and that may account for his inability to demonstrate his theory in spite of more than 100 experiments. In Major Reed's work, eight American volunteers were given yellow fever by mosquito-bite. While some of the earlier innoculations were negative, and several innocula- tions necessary to produce the disease, all of the last series produced yellow fever with certainty. Infection by Blood-Innoculation: The reason for innoculation by the injection of infec- ted blood is difficult for a layman to understand. These experiments were useful in establishing that yellow fever is transmitted NATURALLY by no means other than mosquito-bite. They showed that the specific agent which caused the disease is present in the blood, at least during the first, second and third days of the attack. That the blood which caused the disease did not contain bacteria which would grow in any of the usual laboratory media. That its passage through an intermediate host (a mos- quito), although this seems to be nature's method, is not necessary to the life-cycle of the virus. Blood-innoculation showed that the disease is caused by a virus in that it cannot be seen in a microscope or grown as a culture. This was proven by innoculating some of the non-immune volunteers with serum filtered through a bacteria-proof filter. (A Berkefeld filter of unglazed porcelain.) The special reason for my innoculation will appear later. I go to Columbia Barracks and Get a Job: When the Post at Guanajay was about to be abandoned, because of a yellow fever epidemic, I applied for assign- ment to China or the Philippines with the next detach- ment of troops leaving Cuba for either place. 9. 7. |
 | The answer had been to send me to the probable "take off place", Columbia Barracks. Then, early in October, 1900, I was detailed for duty with the Board. When Major Reed and Dr. Carroll came to Cuba, from the Army Medical College [School] , in Washington, that they brought with them a hospital steward and a private of the Hospital Corps. When the enlistment of the pri- vate expired he did not re-enlist and the Post Surgeon, Lieutenant Albert E. Truby, recommended me to Major Reed for the job. Major Reed and Dr. Carroll were bacteriologists. They set up a laboratory in the shanty that, when the post hospital was in tents, had been the operating room. Both spent a great deal of time at their microscopes in a vain effort to find the micro-organism responsible for yellow fever. My Cuban Farm: Most of my work was in this laboratory where, under direction of Hospital Steward Neats, I had hundreds of captive mosquitoes. Many of these had been matured from pupae or larvae which I had obtained from recept- acles containing stagnant water. Also, it was my job to "raise" mosquitoes from eggs. As a female mosquito cannot deposit her eggs until she has had a meal of blood, I had allowed a great many mosquitoes to feed on my hands and wrists. Both Major Reed and Dr. Carroll, as they were busy at their microscopes and I with my "pets", talked of plans for the work of the Board and of progress being made, paying no more attention to me than to the furn- iture. I I heard them discuss the fear that their "good luck", in having had no deaths among the experimental cases, might end and that a single death would "scare off" additional volunteers and halt the work. Both expressed gratitude at their good fortune in having the services of the yellow fever specialist, Dr. Roger Post Ames. They attributed much of their good luck to his fidelity and skill. On one occasion Major Reed tolf Dr. Carroll that Dr. Ames' male nurse, Gustav Lambert, wanted to volunteer for innoculation. Both agreed that Lambert was too valuable, assisting Dr. Ames, to risk breaking up the combination. I mention this 9. 8 |
 | because I have always felt that, while others have been honored, these two have been unjustly left out. Another subject I heard discussed related to Lieut. Albert E. Truby. After Dr. Lazear's death, Major Reed planned to ask the Surgeon General to appoint Lieut. Truby to fill the vacancy on the Board. The Major had discussed this with the Lieutenant and both had agreed to submit themselves for innoculation. The Department Chief Surgeon, Major Kean, objected to the appointment on the ground that Lieut Truby was badly needed by him. The Major was disappointed and did not ask for the ap- pointment of anyone else. I Hear a Discussion: On the morning of January 24, 1901, when Major Reed and Dr. Carroll appeared at the laboratory, they contin- ued a discussion that had evidently been going on for some time. It appeared that a patient with experimen- tal yellow fever (Forbes) had reached the stage where his blood should be taken to innoculate the next sub- ject and that the man who had volunteered had backed out. Major Reed insisted that he was going to have himself innoculated. Dr. Carroll was pleading with him to change his mind, pointing out that the Major's age was against him and that a recent illness had left him in no condition to fight yellow fever. The Major said that if Dr. Finlay's latest theory was correct he would be in no danger. I got only a vague idea of what the new theory was at that time but, later, fould this explanation: In the New York Medical Record of May 27, 1900, Dr. Finlay mod- ified his original theory "to include the important cir- cumstance that the faculty of transmitting the yel- low fever germ need not be limited to the parent insect, directly contaminated by stinging a yellow fever patient (or perhaps by contact with or feed- ing upon his discharges), but may be likewise inherited by the next generation of mosquitoes issued from the contaminated parent." Major Reed pointed out that he had allowed several such "next generation" mosquitoes to feed on his hands. (The hemoglobin of the blood seems necessary for the maturation of the ovume of the female mosquito and she will not deposit her eggs until she has had a meal of blood.) 9 9. |
 | We had fed our blood to a great many mosquitoes hatch- ed from eggs deposited by infected mosquitoes to deter- mine whether they, in turn, would deposit eggs; whether eggs they did deposit would hatch and whether the new generation was normal. (Innoculation with yellow fever seemed to have no effect on the insect.) The Major said that if Dr. Finlay's new theory was correct he would have contracted yellow fever. On the other hand, if he was innoculated with blood and got the disease, it would indicate that he was not a natural immune and that the modified theory was erroneous. He admitted, when pinned down by Dr. Carroll, that he did not think there was anything in it. They continued to discuss the Major's proposed innoc- ulation, intermittently, until he left the laboratory in something of a temper with the declaration that he would be innoculated "tomorrow" and there was no use discus- sing it farther. I Become a Guinea Pig: Next morning Dr. Carroll was first to reach the lab- oratory. I asked him if I would not do as well as the Major for the innoculation. He said "no" with apparent regret, pointed out that the Major was determoned to use this as a means of testing Dr. Finlay's modified theory and briefly outlined the new idea. I told him I had fed more mosquitoes hatched from the eggs of infected insects than the Major had and my statement was confirm- ed by Steward Neate. When the Major arrived Dr. Carroll sent me on an errand. When I returned the Major asked me if I real- ized what I was letting myself in for. I told him I had nursed yellow fever at Guanajay Barracks and had seen men die with it. He asked me why I was doing it and seemed satisfied with my answer. I do not know what I told him but one thing is cer- tain, I did not tell him - or even intimate - that I had volunteered with the idea of "saving" the Major. I didn't even think of it in that light. From what I had heard Major Reed and Dr. Carroll say, I knew some- thing of what proof of the "mosquito theory" would mean to humanity. I knew that Major Reed was the main spring that made the work of the Board tick and that if he was sick of yellow fever and had a slow recovery - as Dr. Carroll had - the work would all but stop. 10 |
 | Then, too, there is something in my makeup that has always made me willing to "die for dear old Siwash" - any old Siwash in which I was very interested. And here, as said in the movies, is where we came in. I was in an ambulance on my way to Camp Lazear - re- member? There I was assigned to a small tent and at liberty to go where I pleased, within the camp, while the "bugs" with which I had been innoculated set up housekeeping and raised families in my blood stream. One of the first things I did was to write home. I told my Mother I had been detailed to accompany a troop of the Seventh Cavalry on a practice march into the in- terior of the Island and would not be able to write again for two or three weeks. My conscience bothered me about this. I wanted to leave things so that the folks at home would not worry when they did not hear from me for a while and that was the most reasonable explanation that occured to me. I did not like the idea of lieing in my letter for I realized that it might be the last letter I would ever write home. Time passed slowly. I knew, from what I had heard about previous innoculations, that there was a wide varia- tion in the time between innoculation and the chill that heralds the disease. I don't think I worried much - cer- tainly not enough to interfere with my appetite. I had a bad quarter-hour, however, when I heard that Dr. Ames was sick and, himself, in the hospital. He had doctored all of the experimental yellow fever cases and had not lost one. What happened next is best told by the official report of my case as printed in Senate Documents, Volume 61, of 1911: ***Case IV. - J. H. A., American, non-immune, aged 22, with his full consent, received subcutaneously, at 12:15 p. m., January 25, 1901, 1 cc of blood taken from the median-cephalic vein of Case III, just 27 1/2 hours after the commencement of the latter's attack of yellow fever (Temperature 102.6° F.) The subject remained in his usual condition during January 26 and 27, except that on the afternoon of the last mentioned date he complained of occipital headache. This was present on the following morning, January 28; otherwise he felt well. His tem- perature at noon was 98.6° F., and his pulse 68. Occipital headache continued. He partook of dinner with fair appetite 11 |
 | "He was not seen again until 3 p.m. In the meantime, at 1:15 p. m., the subject states that, while alone in his tent, he began to feel cold and that this was fol- lowed by a decided chill with increase of headache. He noted the hour in writing at the time. At 3 p. m. his temperature was 103.6° F., and his pulse 120. His eyes were intensely congested and the face deeply suffused. (The official report does not say so, but here is where I took a two-mule power ambulance to the yellow fever hospital. I remember start- ing but do not remember getting there.) "The patient was very restless and complained bitterly of occipital headache and backache. Photophobia was very marked. He vomited several times in the next two hours. Skin hot and dry. The height of the pri- mary paroxyam was reached at 3:30 p. m. at which hour the temperature was 104.2° F., and the pulse 120. The subsequence was one of severe yellow fever. There was no remission of the fever un- til the fourth day, when the temperature fell to 101.2° F. Now, for the first time, the patient ceased to complain of occipital headache and backache. Albumin appeared at the end of 18 1/2 hours. * * A few hyaline casts were also present at this time. The specimen of urine passed at 6:40 a.m., January 30, contained albumin one-twentieth by volume, and many fine and coarse, gran- ular, bile-tinted casts. Ocular jaundice appeared on the third day. The skin of the face and the anterior part of the neck and thorax was tinted on the fourth day. This rapidly became intensified and general. The secon- dary fever lasted about 50 hours, the temperature falling to 97.2° F. at 12 o'clock (midnight) of the fifth day. Marked fluctuations of temperature continued until the eleventh day of the illness. Recovery was slow and much delayed by the development of a carbuncle on the left sacral region. A trace of albumin was still present on March first, 32 days after the attack begun. (Chart IV)"" In this report, Major Reed emphasized occipital head- ache. What he lightly dismisses as "backache" lingers in my memory as intense and unremitting pain. I shall refer to it again later. The "carbuncle" referred to provided opportunity for Dr. Ames and Lambert to demonstrate why Major Reed regar- ded their fidelity and abilities so highly. When my carbuncle developed, the doctor who was pinch hitting for Dr. Ames did nothing to relieve me. This worried Lam- bert and he went to the post hospital and, after waiting 12 |
 | until Dr. Ames' nurse - Miss Nellie Lewis - had left his room, he told Dr. Ames about me. Dr. Ames had Lambert and another Corps man carry him, on his bed, to my bed- side where he opened my carbuncle. When Lambert return- ed Dr. Ames to his room, Miss Lewis had summoned the Post Surgeon, Captain Stark, and the latter threatened to have Lambert court-martialed. Dr. Ames told Captain Stark that Lambert was only carrying out his (Ames') orders. out My enlistment expired April 24, 1902 and I left the Army. Then my yellow fever experience was no more than an interesting memory until late in 1929 when a friend wrote asking whether I knew there was a bill affecting me in congress. On getting a copy of the bill, I found that it pro- vided an annuity of $1500. for life, a gold medal and inclusion on an honor roll to be published annually in the Official Army Register. (The names which appear on the honor roll will be given later.) Unfortunately, my name was in the bill as "James A. Andrus". The bill was approved by President Hoover Feb. 28, 1929. Then it was necessary for Congressman Wolverton to put through a special bill to correct my name. That "Backacke." For quite a number of years there has been something wrong with my spine. It was thought [by my doctors] to be arthritis. From 1918 until 1932 I wore a steel, spinal brace. March first, 1932, I could no longer walk and had to go to bed. From May 13 until Oct. 6, 1932, I was at Walter Reed Hospital, Washington, where my trouble was diagnosed as "syringo-myelia" and I was told I could never walk again. As this is written (October, 1940,) I am still bedfast. I do not know whether my condition is due to my hav- ing had yellow fever or not. The doctors at Walter Reed Hospital were unable to pin it on tuberculosis, syphlis, or any one of several other possible causes. I cannot forget the intense back-pains incident to my attack of yellow fever. Then, too, another of the vol- unteers, John R. Kissinger, was bedfast with spinal trouble several years although he has since recovered. Senate report 210, on Senate bill 6272, passed Feb. 15, 1910, said, in part, * * "he is unable to furnish direct testimony tracing his present grevious condition back to yellow fever in the Army, although there is but little doubt that the relation of cause and effect exists. Since his discharge he has never 13 |
 | SP-11 been in good health, which he at first attributed to slow recovery from that disease, thinking that with the passing of time his constitution would enable him to throw it off. He continued to fail, however, and is now a helpless paralytic." I would rather think my condition is due to my humble part in the work of Major Reed and his Yellow Fever Board than from some mysterious and unaccountable cause. On those occasions when I am tempted to rail at the fate that had kept me in bed so long, without hope of ever being able to resume a normal way of life, I like to think that I may have contributed, in some measure, to such results as these: At the time Major Reed's Board was experimenting, Major W. C. Gorgas was Chief Sanitary Officer on the staff of General Leonard Wood. He is said to have had some doubt about the "mosquito theory" at first. He followed every development, however, and, when he con- cluded that the "theory" was sound, he exterminated mos- quitoes with the speed and thoroughness that marked his work, later, as Chief Sanitary Officer on the construct- ion of the Panama Canal. You may judge what the ver- dict of "guilty" against the mosquito meant, in the fight against yellow fever, by what it accomplished in Havana alone. From 1880 to 1899 there were an average of 483.7 deaths per year in Havana. In 1900 - before the "theory" was accepted and the campaign of mosquito- extermination launched - there were 1240 cases, in Havana, with 302 deaths. In 1901 - when the war on mosquitoes was only started - there were 30 cases and but 6 deaths. The monthly record follows: | Year | | Jan | Feb | Mar | Apr | May | Jun | Jul | Aug | Sep | Oct | Nov | Dec | Total | | 1900 | Cases | 24 | 8 | 11 | 5 | 5 | 19 | 96 | 219 | 269 | 308 | 214 | 62 | 1240 | | Deaths | 7 | 5 | 4 | 0 | 2 | 5 | 30 | 49 | 52 | 74 | 54 | 24 | 302 | | 1901 | Cases | 0 | 0 | 4 | 1 | 4 | 0 | 4 | 8 | 6 | 3 | 0 | 0 | 30 | | Deaths | 0 | 0 | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 1 | 2 | 2 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 6 | In 1901 mosquito-extermination was the only unusual method employed. Results show, rather conclusively, that it is the only method needed. Since 1901 yellow fever has been unknown in Havana except a few cases brought into the City from outside infection. In all parts of the world, due to the findings of the Yellow Fever Board, under Major Walter Reed, yellow fever has been stamped out by wiping out mosquitoes. 14 |
 | 19 Another of my Gloom Chasers: General Leonard Wood was Governor-General of Cuba at the time Major Reed's Board was working there. The General was a physician before he was a soldier. He fully understood what the Major was trying to do. He authorized the innoculation of soldiers who volun- teered and, otherwise, lent every encouragement. At a memorial meeting of scientific men, in Washing- ton, shortly after Major Reed's death, General Wood said: "I know of no other man on this side of the world who has done so much for humanity as Dr. Reed. His discovery resulted in saving more lives annually than were lost in the Cuban war, and saves the com- mercial interests of the world a greater financial loss each year than the cost of the Cuban war. He came to Cuba at a time when one-third of the of- ficers of my staff died of yellow fever, and we were discouraged at the failure of our efforts to control the disease. In the months when the dis- ease was ordinarily worst the disease was checked and driven from Havana. That was the first time in nearly 200 years that the city had been rid of it. The value of his discovery can not be appreciated by persons who are not familiar with the conditions of tropical countries. Hereafter it will never be possible for yellow fever to gain such headway that quarantine will exist from the mouth of the Potomac to the mouth of the Rio Grande. Future generations will appreciate fully the value of Dr. Reed's ser- vices. His was the originating, directing and con- trolling mind in this work and the others were assistants only." 15 |
 | . . . . . . . . . R O L L O F H O N O R . . . . . . . . . An act of Congress, approved Feb. 28, 1929, provides that: "..in special recognition of the high public service rendered and disabilities contracted in the interest of humanity and science as voluntary subjects for experimentation during the yellow fever investigations in Cuba, the Secretary of War be directed to publish annually in the Army Register a roll of honor on which shall be carried the following names:" M E M B E R S O F T H E B O A R D MAJOR WALTER REED - Chairman of the Board Dr. JAMES CARROLL - Had experimental yellow fever Dr. JESSE W. LAZEAR - Died of yellow fever Dr. ARISTIDES AGRAMONTE - VOLUNTEERS INNOCULATED WITH YELLOW FEVER | | Name of Volunteer | Mosquito Innocu- ulation | Blood Innoc- ulation | Fomite Exper- iment | Date Taken Sick | | | 1 | William H. Dean (XY) | x | | | 9- 6-1900 | | | 1 | 2 | John R. Kissinger * | x | | | 12- 8-1900 | 1 | | 3 | John J. Moran | x | | | 12-25-1900 | | | 2 | 4 | Warren G. Jernegan * | x | Negative | x | o | 1-8-1901 | 2 | | 3 | 5 | William Olsen * | | x | | 1-11-1901 | 3 | | 4 | 6 | Levi E. Folk * | x | | o | 1-23-1901 | 4 | | 5 | 7 | Wallace Forbes * | | x | | 1-24-1901 | 5 | | 6 | 8 | John H. Andrus * | | x | | 1-28-1901 | 6 | | 7 | 9 | Clyde L. West * | x | | | 2- 3-1901 | 7 | | 8 | 10 | James L. Hanberry * | x | | o | 2- 9-1901 | 8 | | 9 | 11 | Charles G. Sonntag * | x | | | 2-10-1901 | 9 | | 12 | Paul Hamann | | x | | 10-19-1901 | | | 13 | A. W. Covington | | x | | 10-19-1901 | | | 14 | John R. Bullard | | x | | 10-23-1901 | | Dunolley F F VOLUNTEERS EXPOSED TO FOMITES | 15 | Dr. Robert P. Cook | | | 4 | Warren G. Jernegan * | From Nov. 30, to Dec. 19, 1900 -20 days | | 6 | Levi E. Folk | | | 10 | James L. Hanberry * | From Dec. 21, 1900, to Jan. 31, 1901 - 21 days | | 10 | 16 | Edward Wetherwalks * | | | 11 | 17 | James Hildebrand * | From Jan. 11, to Jan. 31, 1901 - 20 days | | 12 | 18 | Thomas M. England * | | After submitting to the fomite experiment without getting the disease, Jernegan (4) was twice innoculated by mosquitoes but escaped infection; then innoculated by blood; the only volun- teer to take all 3 experiments. Folk (6) and Hanberry (10) were innoculated by mosquitoes. Wetherwalks (16), infected by 12 mosquitoes, was not ill. Hildebrand (17) was refused mosquito innoculation because of his age. Dr. Cook (15) and England (18) were not innoculated - did not have yellow fever. Names are from the official roll. Arrangement is author's. * - Indicates member of Hospital Corps detachment. 16 |