Delegates to Congress . Letters of delegates to Congress, 1774-1789, Volume 13, June 1 1779-September 30 1779
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James Duane to To: George Clinton


Dear Sir,
Philad. 12th June, 1779.

   Your Excellency has been pleased to desire an unreserved correspondence on measures which may occur to me as advancive of the interest and honor of our State. It is a fruitful theme for speculation, and I shall obey your commands with the utmost pleasure, being fully persuaded that an honorable peace, and a wise internal policy, will render us one of the greatest and the happiest people in the union. The security of our territorial rights, in which we have made great progress, and the speedy cultivation of our rich and fertile frontiers are the principal objects-objects which in my opinion call for the immediate attention of government.

   The pressure of heavy taxes on an exhausted and suffering people is the evil most to be dreaded. Our waste lands afford a natural and certain fund for their relief: nor is there any impediment but that the right of soil, in sufficient quantities, remains to be transferred from the native proprietors to the State. This I will always maintain ought to be done, not by fraud or lawless force, but on just and equitable considerations. I consider then that the hostile tribes, who, without the least reason or provocation, and in violation of the ties of treaties, gratitude, and humanity, have destroyed our citizens, plundered our substance, and desolated our country, are bound to make us full and adequate reparation. This they have it in their power to do by an assignment of a territory commensurate to the amount of the damages we have sustained in the loss of lives and property together with an equivalent for all our actual expenses in opposing their ravages, and the consequential injuries to our husbandry, &c. An estimate may readily be formed of these various damages, critical exactness being unnecessary, and a demand made of equivalent territory as a righteous preliminary to peace. At this distance I cannot decide whether it is in our power to fortify and take possession of the country of the Onondaguas in right of conquest: but if practicable it is clearly justifiable in good conscience and by the laws of nations. And Surely, Sir, it is worth a strenuous exertion at the expense of the State, if the Commander-in-chief should not think it such a general concern as to render it a continental charge. I do not mean that any faithful Onondago Should suffer a loss of his right of Soil; it will be easy to discriminate. Violence or injustice will deprive us of national character and the blessing of Heaven!




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   Sir, in my opinion, the first plan which I have Suggested is recommended equally by sound policy and self-preservation. It is confirmed by the example of our Southern brethren. The Indians are sufficiently Sensible of the value of their lands. No other consider[atio]n will keep them within the bounds of humanity or good faith. Let them know that hereafter they shall part with their inheritances for their transgressions; and they will be cautious of unprovoked hostilities. I flatter myself that the venal and disgraceful System hitherto practiced, of courting and bribing them to lay down their arms after the most wanton barbarities will never be revived. Let justice be done to them as reasonable beings: but let them know that they Shall not injure us with impunity. This alone can secure our future tranquillity; especially if Britain should retain Canada on a pacification.

   I do not recollect whether I have touched on this Subject hitherto; if I have, your Excellency will pardon my earnestness from its vast importance. While America is in arms is the Season for reducing these savage neighbors to reason and a disposition for lasting peace.(1) The present operations promise more decision in every quarter of the Continent than any ever yet undertaken; and I wish our State may stand ready to avail ourselves of every favorable event.

   The accounts from the Southward are highly interesting. Lincoln, it is said, is victorious, and the British detachment completely ruined. From various quarters this great event is rendered probable; but Congress has no despatches hitherto. In our State I hope we are prepared to baffle the designs of our enemies, though I have the most sensible feelings for the distress of individuals. You, Sir, will allow for my anxiety for my family, and enable me to return with honor to my own State as soon as possible. I never yet thought it consistent with my character, and the confidence placed in me, to leave my station without the consent of my constituents. This dutiful respect to government has exposed me to a disproportionate share of exile, and my family and private affairs to great distress and disadvantage. But I comfort myself with the reflection of having done some public good, and studied to do all in my power; and that I have served a people who will honor me with their esteem which is my highest ambition.


I have the honor to be-with the utmost respect, Sir, your Excellency's most obedient and very humble servant,

Jas. Duane

P. S. Pennsylvania and Maryland, without waiting for the opinion of Congress, have given their officers half pay for life. Is it impracticable to know the sense of our state on this subject? It is an important one, and will probably be soon debated.(2) I wish to please our Legislature; but ignorant of their views often hazard more than is prudent by acting from myself.



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Note: Tr (MH-H: Sparks Collection).


1 Duane, a member of the Committee on Indian Affairs, repeatedly stressed the need to punish the Onondagas and other hostile tribes by seizing their lands. See Duane to Philip Schuyler, June 15, and to Clinton, June 30, 1779.




2 For the revival of the half-pay debate in Congress, see John Fell's Diary, July 27, 1779.