Jefferson, Thomas, 1743-1826. Thomas Jefferson and the National Capital: Containing Notes and Correspondence exchanged between Jefferson, Washington, L'Enfant, Ellicott, Hallett, Thornton, Latrobe, the Commissioners, and others
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THOMAS JEFFERSON & THE NATIONAL CAPITAL


JEFFERSON TO THE GOVERNOR
OF VIRGINIA
[BENJAMIN HARRISON]




Philadelphia, Nov. 11, 1783.
Sir,

   Your Excellency's letter of the 25th ult. on the determi-
nation of Congress as to their future residence has been duly
received. You would doubtless soon after have heard of
their subsequent determination on the same subject. As all
this had taken place before my arrival I can give you an ac-
count only from the information of others. Congress, it seems,
thought it best to generalize their first determination by putting
questions on the several rivers on which it had been proposed
that they should fix their residence. Hudson river, the Dela-
ware, & Potomac, were accordingly offered to the vote. The
first obtained scarcely any voices; the Delaware obtained seven.
This of course put the Potomac out of the way: and the Dela-
ware being once determined on there was scarcely any differ-
ence of opinion as to the particular spot. The falls met the
approbation of all the states present, except Pennsylvania
which was for Germantown, & Delaware which was for Wil-
mington. As to the latter it appeared that she had been induced
to vote for the Delaware on the single idea of getting Congress
to Wilmington, and that being disappointed in this they would




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not wish them on that river at all, but would prefer George-
town or any other place. This being discovered, the Southern
delegates at a subsequent day brought on a reconsideration of
the question, and obtained a determination that Congress
should set one half of their time at Georgetown and that til
accommodations should be provided there, Annapolis should
be substituted in its place. This was considered by some as a
compromise; by others as only unhinging the first determina-
tion and leaving the whole matter open for discussion at some
future day. It was in fact a rally, and making a drawn battle
of what had at first appeared to be decided against us. What
will be its final decision can only be conjectured. I take the
following to be the disposition of the several states.

   The four Eastern states are for any place in preference to
Philadelphia, the more Northern it is however the more agree-
able to them.

   New York and New Hampshire are for the falls of Delaware.

   Pennsylvania is for Germantown first, and next for the falls
of Delaware. It is to be noted that Philadelphia had no at-
tention as a permanent seat. Delaware is for Wilmington: but
for Georgetown in preference to the falls of Delaware or any
other situation which attract the trade of their river. Mary-
land is for Annapolis, and the smallest hope for this will sacri-
fice a certainty for Georgetown.

   Virginia, every place southward of Potomac being disre-
garded by the states as every place north of the Delaware, saw
it would be useless to consider her interests as to more Southern
positions. The falls of Potomac will probably therefore unite
the wishes of the whole state, if this fails, Annapolis and the
falls of Delaware are then the candidates. Were the conven-
ience of the Delegates alone to be considered, or the general
convenience to government in their transaction of business
with Congress, Annapolis would be preferred without hesita-
tion. But those who respect commercial advantages more than




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the convenience of individuals will probably think that every
position on the bay of Chesapeak or any of its waters is to be
dreaded by Virginia as it may attract the trade of that bay and
make us with respect to Maryland what Delaware State is to
Pennsylvania. Considering the residence of Congress therefore
as it may influence trade, if we cannot obtain it on the Potomac
it seems to be our interest to bring it past all the waters of the
Chesapeak bay.

   The three Southern states are for the most Southern situa-
tion. It should be noted that N. Hampshire and Georgia were
absent on the decisions of these questions, but considering their
interests would be directly opposite, it was thought their joint
presence or absence would not change the result. From the
preceding state of the views of the several members of our union
your Excellency will be enabled to judge what will be the prob-
able determination on any future revision of the present plan:
the establishment of new states will be friendly or adverse to
Georgetown according to their situation. If a state be first laid
off on the lakes it will add a vote to the Northern scale, if on the
Ohio it will add one to the Southern. I had the happiness of
seeing Gen'l. Washington the other day after a space of seven
years. He has more health in his countenance than I ever saw
in it before. Among other political conversations he entered
earnestly into one respecting the Western section of Virginia,
and the late vote of Congress accepting it. He thinks the con-
ditions annexed by Virginia and not acceded to by Congress
altogether unimportant, at least much less important than the
consequences which would result from the state's adhering to
these conditions. He thinks that a friendly and immediate set-
tlement of this matter can alone give us that political happiness
and quiet which we must all wish for: and that besides other
disagreeable consequences the land will be lost to both as a
source of revenue by their settlement of adventurers on it who
will never pay any thing. It is now become evident that the




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nine states North of Potomac have made up their minds on
these questions & will act together.


[Th: Jefferson]

[Pp. 340 -- 4, Ford, writings, III.] The key to this and to other similarly abbreviated
citations will be found in the Bibliography.