Notes: Rhetorical analysis used to demystify the Declaration. Points out that the Declaration itself was not the first priority of Congress in 1776 nor was TJ seen as a pivotal figure in it, although his writing skills were respected. Detailed examination of the five sections of the Declaration--the introduction, the preamble, the indictment of George III, the denunciation of the British people, and the conclusion--demonstrates the truth of TJ's later denial of any interest "to say things which had never been said before" and reveals the ways in which the Declaration "merely adhered to the features of declarations as a genre of political discourse." Careful attention to contemporary understanding of diction and rhetorical strategy as well as to contemporary reception enhance the value of this clear-headed and well-researched essay which sheds light on both TJ's and Congress's thinking about the Declaration.

Reference: 563.

Notes: Weather-related bread crises helped bring on the French Revolution. TJ's weather diary tells us that July 14, 1789, was cloudy with rain in the morning, ending by afternoon. Temperature at 7 a.m. was 61 degrees Fahrenheit, rising to 72 degrees at 2 p.m. , while the relative humidity dipped from 95% to 78% by his measurements.

Reference: 564.

Notes: Review essay covering four titles, argues for TJ as a polymorphous "bundle of ideas, appetites, habits, and desires."

Reference: 565.

Notes: Describes the two wooden verandas, or "porticles," which TJ built outside his bedroom and study at Monticello; in order to further protect his privacy, he later added louvered blinds to them.

Reference: 566.

Notes: Sketch of TJ's Virginia and the changes it continues to undergo, including the gubernatorial candidacy of an African-American, Douglas Wilder.

Reference: 567.

Notes: Full account of Browere's life mask of TJ, the difficulties in removing the casting material, and the subsequent accounts in the press which affected Browere's reputation. TJ, however, seems to have borne him no ill will.

Reference: 568.

Notes: Fairly conventional account of TJ's agrarian thinking. Points out that unlike many aristocratic agricultural reformers of his day, TJ was motivated by politics rather than by economics. Places TJ and Crevecoeur in a tradition of "yeoman agrarianism" marked by industriousness, naturalism, and a belief in an egalitarian society.

Reference: 569.

Notes: Describes secondary school class lesson based on TJ's Notes intended to explore connections among science, technology, politics, and social issues as revealed in TJ's thinking.

Reference: 570.

Notes: Claims Black is perhaps most responsible for making TJ's trope of the "wall of separation" between church and state known to the modern public. Compares Black's own religious attitudes with TJ's, finding parallels. Notes that the timing of his embrace of the "wall" doctrine more or less coincided with the New Deal revival of the Jeffersonian spirit.

Reference: 571.

Notes: Juvenile. As part of a nationwide celebration of TJ's inauguration Philadelphians sang this song with words by Rembrandt Peale and music by John Isaac Hawkins. Gives words and music.

Reference: 572.

Notes: Juvenile.

Reference: 573.

Notes: TJ wanted Monticello to be an active expression of the attributes given by Pliny and Horace to the Roman villa. Roman writers like Varro suggested a hilltop location, unlike later authorities such as Palladio. Columella and Vitruvius commented on the uses of cisterns and gutters to provide a water supply similar to that of Monticello, but since Roman writers did not provide elevations, TJ turned to Palladio and his followers for building plans. Yet, the final arrangement of the rooms sounds rather like one described by Pliny, who also describes a cryptoporticus similar to the underground passageway. Fascinating essay, although more emphasis might be put on the exception it duly notes that native Virginia practices do have some bearing on Monticello's architecture as well as more recent European models. Points out, however, that since no real model of a Roman villa existed, TJ had to create his own version.

Reference: 574.

Notes: Reroofing residential buildings of TJ's academical village has led to the discovery of a system of tinplated metal shingles he devised for eight of the pavilions and a different system of serrated wooden "rooflets" he used on two pavilions and the student dormitories. Describes his interest in and experiments with metal roofing materials and techniques.

Reference: 575.

Notes: Discusses William Bartram, TJ, and Crevecoeur as practitioners of the scientific discourse of eighteenth-century natural history. Epitomized by the taxonomic lists of Linnaeus and others, it tended to fix its object in a static, ahistorical description. Contends that natural history is "the primary intellectual framework" of Notes , and that as a consequence of this framework it fails to do justice to the history being made at the moment in white Virginia and it eliminates any trace of the history of blacks or native Americans. An interesting thesis, somewhat simplistically applied in the case of TJ.

Reference: 576.

Notes: Examines autobiographical texts and letters to each other of TJ, John Adams, and Benjamin Rush in order to reveal the process of self-inscription in history by men who knew that they were writing for posterity. Rush took his seat in Congress on July 20, 1776 and thus, while a signer, was not present for the deliberations. He identified himself in terms of the group of signers. Adams was proud of the importance of the document but jealous of the fame it brought TJ; his jealousy was particularly apparent during the disruption of their friendship. TJ, less obviously anxious, expressed concern about claims for priority on the part of Samuel Chase and of the Mecklenburg Declaration.

Reference: 577.

Notes: Survey of TJ's use of classical philosophy. Finds that Epicurus gave him a cogent form of materialism, and the Stoics were a source of solace for his many griefs. Tacitus and other historians provided models of republican government, a large body of information, and a sense of identity and purpose. Well grounded in TJ's writings but offers few new insights.

Reference: 578.

Notes: Juvenile. TJ as vice-president and resident of Philadelphia.

Reference: 579.

Notes: Compares TJ's Paine's, Dwight's, and Madison's concepts of virtue. Describes the first three, despite some obvious differences, as "sentimental republicans" who believed that virtue was an activity intended to promote social unity. Madison, in contrast, was a "liberal republican" who justified the pursuit of individual rights and interests under a constitutional, but strictly scrutinized, government.

Reference: 580.

Notes: Juvenile. TJ's interest in paleontology.

Reference: 581.

Notes: Popular account of Elder John Leland and the Cheshire Cheese of 1802.

Reference: 582.

Notes: Juvenile. Sketchy account of TJ as gardener/farmer.

Reference: 583.

Notes: A humane and powerful meditation on the high culture, the culture of mind, in the Old South, particularly Virginia, focusing on TJ. Opening pages discuss the visits of George Ticknor to Monticello and Charlottesville to see TJ among his books and to see his university in order to expose shared values and underlying differences between the New England and the Southern minds. Inquires into the paradox of TJ's career that ought to have embodied the "achievement of a fully definitive stage in the secularization of a culture that ... reached a comparatively advanced stage of economic adventurism and economic freedom." Finds in the "primary subject" of Notes , the intricate connection between slavery and the rational ethos, a masked doubt of the power of the mind to become independent, most dramatically revealed in Query xvii's "apocalyptic" outburst about slavery's effect on the planter mind. Describes the University as his attempt to create an "American clerisy," an educated elite who would be simultaneously citizens of the American republic and the republic of letters.

Reference: 584.

Notes: Thoughtful essay on using the texts of Dumas Malone, Virginius Dabney, and Fawn Brodie, among others, to lead students away from the assumption that their texts are merely a window onto verified facts. This is done by exposing both the authors' and their own "naivete about the linguistic implications of the primary sources."

Reference: 585.

Notes: Gives a three paragraph sketch of TJ's life and then reprints without comment selected reminiscences, impressions, and evaluations of him and of the Declaration which appeared in the nineteenth century.

Reference: 586.

Notes: Not seen.

Reference: 587.

Notes: Account of the battle to pass the Statute for Religious Freedom. TJ's statute places a complex set of social questions into what was then a new and revolutionary legal framework. Madison's political talents, Episcopalian miscalculations, and "an unlikely political coalition" were necessary to pass it. TJ's efforts to protect the enlightened human conscience were balked by Justice Story's opposing interpretation of the 1st Amendment, and an interpretation true to his and Madison's intention began to emerge in 1878 with Reynolds vs. U.S.

Reference: 588.

Notes: Describes TJ's relations with two young Philadelphians he encouraged to settle near him. They each ran into financial difficulties, and TJ bailed them out with presidential appointments. Trist's son, Nicholas, later married TJ's granddaughter, Virginia Randolph.

Reference: 589.

Notes: Describes the changing response to the French Revolution as seen through the reactions of TJ and others who were first supportive, then put off as revolutionary violence escalated out of control. Nothing unexpected.

Reference: 590.

Notes: Argues that TJ's hostility to Hume's History of England is a more complex matter than usually assumed and needs to be viewed in the political and personal contexts in which he read it. Hume's debunking of the Saxon myth and his contention that the civil wars of the seventeenth century were precipitated by encroachments of Commons on royal prerogative went to the heart of the emerging political, constitutional understanding of TJ's generation. TJ seems to have dropped Hume from his recommended reading lists for young men only around 1800, however, and after 1805 he began to advocate John Baxter's redaction of Hume in its place. Claims that TJ's and Adams's fear of the "Toryizing" of Hume's history was justified at least in one sense, and their attacks on Hume were a kind of rear guard action on behalf of a Revolutionary ideology that had lost its hold on the young. TJ recommended Baxter as a primer for young readers, but he went on reading Hume himself since he regarded him as a great historical writer. His fears about Hume's influence were based partly on his own early experience of reading the History and partly on his ideas about education.

Reference: 591.

Notes: Juvenile. Sampling of TJ's inventions and designs.