Chapter 2
The Building Campaign of 1818
The taste of all the architects I have ever known leads them, for the sake of "prospect," to put buildings on hill-tops.
—Edgar Allan Poe
"The Man of the Crowd "
Commissioners Appointed
On 21 February 1818 the Virginia General Assembly passed an "An Act appropriating part of the revenue of the Literary Fund and for other purposes," section 8 of which required the executive to appoint twenty-four "discreet and intelligent persons, who shall constitute a Board of Commissioners to aid the Legislature in ascertaining a permanent scite for a University and for other purposes." On 18 March Preston appointed the commissioners, including James Madison, for the senatorial district composed of the counties of Spotsylvania, Lousia, Orange and Madison.(105) This act was an important step in the story of the founding of the University of Virginia but it is largely outside the scope of this study.(106)
Stonecutters Sought from Italy
Now that arrangements for the brickwork were taken care of for the moment, Jefferson turned to another matter that also would consume much of his time, that of recruiting stonecutters from across the Atlantic. He initially contacted Thomas Appleton, the American consul in Leghorn, setting out his requirements for a cutter's qualifications, and specifying that the craftsman must come to Norfolk or Richmond, and to no other place. Since vessels usually did not often sail from Leghorn directly into either of those ports, Appleton wrote to Jefferson on 20 December to say that "had you been less explicit, I Should have Sent an excellent workman to the immediate care of the Collector of Baltimore, requesting he would not suffer him to remain a Single day in that City; but I have not thought myself at liberty to deviate in the smallest degree from your positive instructions."(107) By the time Jefferson received Appleton's letter and could send a reply three and one-half months had gone by. On 4 April Jefferson apologized for his "ignorance of the degree of intercourse between Leghorn and Virginia" and for his "unfortunate instructions" that prevented his wishes to be carried out. He informed Appleton that he now needed two stonecutters instead of one, "as our college will furnish them abundant employment. and let both be competent to the cutting an Ionic or Corinthian capitel this is indispensable." Appleton could consign the artists to merchant John Hollins in Baltimore, "the best port out of Virginia,"(108) and the following day Jefferson wrote to Hollins to advise him of the role he was desired to play in managing the stonecutters arrival from "Leghorn, where I know they can be had of the first degree of skill, and for one third of what ours ask. . . . forward them on by the stage to Charlottesville. in this case it will be essential that they be not permitted to stay in Baltimore a single day as they would learn there the wages of that place, and would not come on, or stay when come."(109) It would be four months before Jefferson's letter to Appleton arrived in Leghorn, and much longer before the Italians stonecutters arrived in America.(110)
Progress is Slow
As the spring flowered forth a commensurate growth in the progress of building at the college failed to materialize. Jefferson did write to Latrobe on 19 May to apologize for his failure to keep up his end of their correspondence.
you had a right to hear from me on another subject, the progress of our College, in which you were so good as to take an interest, and to contribute to it from the store of your time and talents. the pavilion we had begun before the reciept of your draughts is not yet pushed but will be so in the course of the month of July. we shall within mutilated commence your Palladian Corinthian, being the left hand figure of the upper row on your paper, in which we permit no alteration but the Substitution of a flat, for the pyramidal roof, which, seen over the pediment, has not, we think, a pleasing effect.(111)
Although Jefferson planned to utilize Latrobe's drawings in designing some of the individual pavilions for the Central College, his mind was clearly thinking about the larger scheme that might yet be accomplished through the assistance of the Virginia legislature, that of designing the buildings of a full-fledged a university for the Old Dominion.
were we left to our own funds, they would not extend beyond a 3d. or 4th. pavilion, which would probably be your 3d. & 5th. or perhaps 2d. in the same line. but the legislature has appropriated 15,000. D. a year to an University, & we think it nearly certain they will engraft it on our stock, which we offer them if they will adopt our site. this will call, in the first instance for about 16. pavilions, with an appendix of 20. dormitories each: and we expect each pavilion with it's dormitories to cost about 10,000. D. our funds may be called 60,000. D. and the legislature will have to add about 100,000. more to compleat these buildings, exclusive of your central one, which would be reserved for the Center of the ground. we propose 10. professors, each of whom will have his pavilion & dormitories, and for each two professorships we must erect an hotel of the same good architecture. these we shall assign to French families, who will undertake to board the students on their own account, and thus furnish the means of their learning to speak French, by interdicting the utterance of an English word within their doors. . . . this is our plan, resting at present on no other uncertainty but that of the adoption of the Central College for the scite of the University. several of your fronts, altho' beautiful, cannot be brought within our limit of 34. or 36. feet.(112)
John Lewis, a nephew of Jefferson's law professor George Wythe and an attorney who moved west from Virginia to Franklin County, Kentucky, in 1832, said in an interview many years after Jefferson's death that while visiting Monticello in 1819 Jefferson told him that the $15,000 annual appropriation from the Virginia legislature "would be so expended, that they would amount to nothing, unless more were added. Finally, the amount would be so great, rather than lose it all, they would go on and complete the work. By this I learned that Mr. J. had a character for artlessness and simplicity, where in fact—he could accomplish his measures by deep laid schemes."(113)
Arrival of Brickmasons
Other than Jefferson's letter to Latrobe, correspondence for the period is silent about progress on the buildings at the Central College until the middle of June, when the bricklayers finally arrived to begin their work. The process of brickmaking of course was carried on in full force as the seasonal weather permitted in order to prepare the final product for the workmen's schedule. In an age when most buildings were still built entirely of wood, making several hundred thousand brick was quite an undertaking.(114) Bricks are simple artificial building blocks made out of natural materials (chiefly clay, lime, and water, with small quantities of other compounds) that are baked at a temperature much higher than the boiling point to expell the water. Although the sizes and usages of bricks varied widely from place to place, as did the exact "processes of manufacture," the "standard" size or "building dimensions" of bricks in the 19th century was about the same as today, 9 inches long, 4 inches wide, and 3 inches thick. Hand-made bricks typically require some type of mold to form the blocks' shape and to allow for sun-drying before burning and cooling, which takes place in a kiln, itself a brick structure built to house thousands of bricks.(115) When writing about Jefferson's insistence on the use of stone and marble in The South in Architecture, Lewis Mumford observed that building with brick and stone was "a little different" from what the average American workers were used to. "It took time to explore the resources of clay and stone; to test out their hardness, their ability to stand fire, their weathering qualities. Native resources are not always immediately visible; and when they are, there are often difficulties of transportation to overcome."(116) Jefferson was fortunate in that his beloved Virginia Piedmont provided a ready source of quality clay and lime, and when the bricklayers arrived at the college on 17 June John Perry wasted no time in notifying Jefferson that "The Brick layers got here yesterday and will begin to lay Some time this evening. I Should be glad you Could make it Convenient to Come to the building to day—the dormetories will be laid of to day—the Circle next the road is Staked of So that you Can See how to fix on the level."(117) Before the end of the month Hugh Chisholm was drawing $800 to pay to John Perry "on account of Brick work done at the Central College."(118)
Bernard Peyton Recruited
In the week before the arrival of the brickmasons at the college, Jefferson had written Richmond merchant Bernard Peyton laying claim to a "right to give you occasional trouble with [the college's] concerns." For the next decade Peyton proved to be an unflagging supporter of the university's interest in Richmond, caring for important details like arranging for the purchase of pork for the university and managing the difficult and dangerous job of loading the heavy marble capitals onboard the small vessels that would carry them by water from Rockett's wharf on the James River in Richmond to Milton, the busy village on the Rivanna River just east of Charlottesville near Monticello.(119) Jefferson's immediate request for the college was the recruitment of a slater, preferably "a mr. Jones, a Welshman who did some excellent work in Charlottesville, and who is supposed to be now in Richmond," to come and examine the slate on "all our lands on Henderson's & B. island creeks," to see if it would serve to cover the buildings. Promising Jones, or "some other good slater," expenses and wages if he would come without delay, for he was to set out for Bedford in 3 weeks for a month's stay, Jefferson enclosed "a specimen of our slate from which he may form some judgment of the probability of finding what will answer."(120)
Rockfish Gap Commission
Jefferson, who did go to Poplar Forest as planned, arrived back at Monticello on Saturday 18 July to find the buildings for the college coming on "with some spirit." He immediately begin preparing for his journey the next week to Rockfish Gap in eastern Augusta County, where the commissioners appointed to report to the legislature were to determine, in his words, whether the Central College "ought not to be adopted for the University."(121) Jefferson met from 1 to 4 August 1818 with nearly two dozen distinguished Virginians (three commissioners failed to show) at the tavern at Rockfish Gap in the Blue Ridge Mountains.(122) "It was convenient to me to send a mattrass & trussels for myself," he informed a Mr. Barnet, and he requested "ever so small a lodging room to myself."(123) Thanks to Jefferson's "shrewd preparation" during the spring and summer, the meeting at Rockfish Gap became a triumphal turning point;(124) the commissioners divided along sectional lines, choosing for the university the eventual site of the Central College in Charlottesville as a "convenient & proper" place to establish the University of Virginia over either a Staunton or Lexington location.(125) Jefferson, jubilant that the vote was 16 to 5 in favor of his college, wrote his daughter, Martha, on the last day of the meeting: "I have never seen business done with so much order, harmony, nor in abler nor pleasanter society. We have been well served too. Excellent rooms, every one his bed, a table altho' not elegant, yet plentiful and satisfactory. I proceed today with Judge Stuart to Staunton."(126)
The Commission's Report
The Rockfish Gap Commission's final report, written by Jefferson and signed by the twenty-one commissioners present, was, says Jefferson scholar Noble Cunningham, "the mature product of years of contemplation on the subject of education in a republic." Although the report contains Jefferson's comprehensive plan for instruction and governance at the University of Virginia, only one paragraph of this "remarkable document" is relevant to the matter at hand,(127) "that of proposing a plan for its buildings." The commission was of opinion that the plan
should consist of distinct houses or pavilions, arranged at proper distances on each side of a lawn of a proper breadth, & of indefinite extent, in one direction, at least, in each of which should be a lecturing room with from two to four apartments for the accommodation of a professor and his family: that these pavilions should be united by a range of Dormitories, sufficient each for the accommodation of two students only, this provision being deemed advantageous to morals, to order, & to uninterrupted study; and that a passage of some kind under cover from the weather should give a communication along the whole range. It is supposed that such pavilions on average of the larger and smaller will cost each about $5,000, each, dormitory about $350 each, and Hotels of a single room for a Refectory, & two rooms for the tenant necessary for dieting the students will cost about $3,500 each. . . . The advantages of this plan are, greater security against fire & infection; tranquillity and comfort to the Professors, and their families thus insulated; retirement to the students, and the admission of enlargement to any degree to which the institution may extend in future times. It is supposed probable that a building of somewhat more size in the middle of the grounds may be called for in time, in which may be rooms for religious worship under such impartial regulations as the visitors shall prescribe, for public examinations, for a Library, for the schools of music, drawing, and other associated purposes.(128)
The Rockfish Gap Commission's recommendation that the Central College adequately fit the description of "some central and healthy part of the commonwealth" sufficient to situate a state university assured the college's future selection by the legislature when it came time to actually charter the University of Virginia. The inclusion in its report of the above general scheme of building guaranteed that Jefferson's architectural wonder eventually would receive state financial assistance (and hence stability), and the official sanction of the plan by the commission set the precedent that would become important later when Senator Cabell waged the necessary political battles in Richmond.
The Virginia Springs
From the Blue Ridge Jefferson journeyed to Warm Springs, where he thought he might "remove some Rheumatic affections which have long incommoded me occasionally." Upon his arrival at the spa, he wrote his old friend Thomas Cooper, who at this time was scheduled to become the Central College's first professor, to inform him that the school had been selected as the site for the university but complained that "Our 1st. pavilion has been much retarded by the disappointments of workmen. I think it may be ready to recieve you within 3. months from this time, and that within that time one wing of 9. dormitories may be ready, and in the course of the season another pavilion & 2. more wings of dormitories."(129) Obviously the pace of the work was moving much more slowly than Jefferson had anticipated, and Board of Visitor member John Hartwell Cocke noted in his diary on his way to the Virginia springs nearly three weeks later that he found the work at the college "progressing slowly towards Completion—The first pavillion of the Doric order just cover'd in—and one range of Dormitories ready for roofing—The leveling of the top of Hill will be compleated this Fall.—The foundation of the North range of Dormitories just dug out.—(130)
Partnership Established
In late September the Lynchburg bricklayer Matthew Brown notified Proctor Nelson Barksdale that Charlottesville carpenter John M. Perry had joined him as an "equal partner in the Brickwork I have already done and also all that will be done by me this present year."(131) Perry apparently handled both the labor and the financial aspects of the partnership, for in December Brown wrote to Barksdale again to assure the proctor that Perry "is fully authorised to Conclude the Settlement with you for the Brick workd done by me this year at the Central Colage."(132) When making a proposal for brickmaking the following spring, Perry claimed that the brickwork for the Corinthian pavilion "which tho undertaken by M. Brown was actually executed by me."(133)
John Perry was involved in more than brickmaking during this period. The talented and active carpenter continued to work on the pavilion he had managed to weasel a contract for when he sold the land to the college, and he had the foresight and means to purchase a sawmill on Ivy Creek in the fall of 1818 and thus began hauling lumber to the college for other contractors beginning in September. That piece of minor good luck apparently helped expedite the work across the grounds, for Perry's account with James Dinsmore, who was building "Pavillion No 2 West," shows that he steadily provided Dinsmore with scantling for his building, even during the slow winter months.(134) Perry proved to be the most enterprising contractor in the area and ultimately profited more from the building of the Academical Village than any other undertaker at the university.
Professorship Declined
It was near the end of October before Jefferson took up his pen again to describe "what we called the Central college, about a mile from the village of Charlottesville and 4. miles from this place [Monticello], and have made some progress in the buildings." This time Jefferson was writing to entice Nathaniel Bowditch to accept the chair of mathematics at the college, soon to be a new state university. "The plan of building," said Jefferson according to a now familiar theme, "is not to erect one single magnificent building to contain every body, and every thing, but to make of it an Academical village . . . with kitchen, garden Etc. distinct Dormitories for the students, not more than two in a room, & separate boarding houses for dieting them by private housekeepers." Besides offering Bowditch a salary of $2,000, Jefferson bragged about the area's soil, health, "genial climate," extremely cheap "necessaries of life," religions, and the inhabitants, the "substantial yeomanry of farmers (tobacco long since given up)." In short, Jefferson concluded, "our society is neither scientific nor splendid, but independant, hospitable, correct and neighborly."(135) Bowditch nevertheless declined the generous offer of a professorship, citing for a reason "several important trusts (amounting to nearly half a million of dollars) undertaken for the children of an ancient merchant late of this Town . . . My income from these various trusts &c. exceeds $3,000, Considerable time is left to me to devote to those studies which have been the delight of my leisure hours."(136)
William John Coffee
As winter approached Jefferson received a letter from William J. Coffee, an English artist skilled especially in plaster of paris who later made the detailed ornamental frieze work for the university buildings as well as the interior plaster ornaments for Poplar Forest.(137) Coffee, not yet employed on any of those projects, wrote concerning "inquires with relation to your Cisterns," a favor Jefferson had asked of him on a previous visit to Monticello. According to Coffee, what was needed to line the cisterns at Monticello, and what the university did in fact later use, was "A cement caled Roman Cement but made in England in many Places it is much Cheaper and by all that have used it in this great City thought to be the best Cement ever Introduced for works under water. this I my Self know that in England 20 years Experianc has proved to this to the world its Value." In addition to his letter, Coffee made and enclosed his "Notes on the Roman Cement," a rambling description of the substance complete with lengthy detailed directions for its application, with an observation that "All the new And fashionably Houses have Cistrens made of this Cement and in Som Cases the Outsids Are decorated it is now coming in to Vouge in this City Very fast." Coffee told of supposed examples of the cement's success and indicated its cost ($9 pr Barrel of five Bushels); he also enclosed a "printed Card so that you will know ware to Aply to should you make up your mind to use it," and "two or three Specimens of the Cement as Imported . . . I got from out of A Barrel Just Opened in The Public Store for Inspection this you know must be Considerd a fare trial." After rambling on about the "Operation" of the cement (Coffee's advice on how to apply it) the eccentric artist concluded, "I fear by this time you will be very glad my Small sheet of paper is allmost full of Any thing you like to Call it you have brought it on your Self and thar cant blame me."(138) Coffee's inquiry into the Roman cement had been done as a favor to help Jefferson fix the cisterns at Monticello, and the university later benefitted from the investigation when it began to build cisterns to hold water for the university's fire apparatus (see appendix T).(139)
The Raggi Brothers
In November 1818 Thomas Appleton sent Jefferson the good news that he had finally found two Italian stonecutters willing to travel to America. "By the first vessel bound to any Southern port, I shall convey to you, the two artists you are desired of obtaining, and I hope, Sir, you will find them corresponding, in all respects, to the wishes you express'd in your letter." The elder of the two, said Appleton, was Giacomo Raggi, a very able artist in his 45th year: "he is capable of cutting the columns of every order of Architecture, and in which are compris'd pilastres, cornice, basement, pedastals, indeed all those members, which come within the denominations of "il Solida": After this, another order of workman is requir'd, which is term'd in italian "Ornalista," who performs all the ornamental parts of the columns." For this latter work Appleton selected Michele Raggi, Giacomo's 35 year old cousin, said to be equally able in his profession. Both men were married and had been warmly recommended to Appleton by friends at Carrara, and both men, said Appleton, "appear in great vigour of health; and their morals are irreproachable." Agreeable to Jefferson's instructions, Appleton stipulated a three year term, with a "Suitable lodging and diet," and $525 Spanish dollars wages to each annually.
they are in their separate branches, greatly Superior to any who have hitherto been sent to the U. States; and their salary is not more than one half of what others have been allow'd.—they will carry with them all their necessary instruments of working; together with many plans and models of architecture.—in a word, Sir, before they depart, a notarial act of the most binding sort, will be sign'd by them, and a copy sent to you.—You are sensible, Sir, that it is extreamely difficult, if not impossible, to find any of this order of men, who are to leave, perhaps, forever, their native country, without anticipating some portion of their first year's salary; I shall therefore be compell'd to advance to each, about—150. dollars, to prepare them for So great an undertaking.—It is also, the universal custom among our merchant-captains, to receive the passage-money before sailing, which I presume, will be—100. dollars each, So that, at least, 500. dollars will be requir'd; and no bill, however good, on the U.S., can be dispos'd of, at less than 10. Ct. discount; and this I shall be compell'd, I presume, to allow to the purchasers—I believe that neither of these artists require any incitement to conduct themselves with honesty and good faith; but I have made to them a sort of homelie, which seems to have deeply impress'd their minds, that their happiness, at least in this world, depends on an undeviating observance of honor and fidelity.—there is now but one American-vessel in port; and which is bound to India—indeed, never has there been a period, during the 20 years I have resided here, that the commerce of all parts of the mediterranean was at so low an ebb, as at the present time, however, by the first vessel, the artists Shall be Sent; and, depend Sir, every proper precaution shall be taken, that they may be safely consign'd into your hands."(140)
This apparent good news from Italy respecting the importation of stonecutters would not be received by Jefferson until 19 February 1819, three months later.
Tin Roofs Considered
Also in November 1818, Jefferson dispatched housejoiner and college contractor James Dinsmore to the Virginia Shenandoah Valley on a tour to "report on the Eligibility of Tin as a Covering for Houses as Introduced in Staunton." Dinsmore interviewed a Mr. Smith and a Mr. Cowan, owners of the two "Principal Houses" that recently had been covered with the roofing material, as well as A. H. Brooks, the workman who put it on, and who eventually covered the roofs of seven pavilions.(141) "They all acted with great Candour & were at Considerable Pains to give me every Information they were in possesion of," Dinsmore said. Cowan, who assisted in the covering of his roof and at the beginning lacked a "pratical Knowledge of the evils to be avoided," experienced some leakage when the first side of his was covered. He thought tongued and grooved sheeting would be an additional security but was afraid the heat of the sun through the tin would draw up the edges of the sheeting and thereby render the surface of the tin uneven. Dinsmore, for his part, said he did not have "any apprehension on that Score with Pine Sheeting Seasoned & well nailed down, without Groveing." Jefferson's favorite workman also "Suggested the Propriety of Painting the tin before laying down," a step all three men agreed would be an advantage. Smith in fact already had painted his roof, a measure that sealed the joints "perfectly tight" and that eliminated minor leakage from "Suction as heretofor." Smith also warned that the laps at the lower ends of the courses of tin should not be less than one and one half inches.
With these precautions Dinsmore thought a tin roof may be made as tight as one of any other metal and claimed to have it on good authority that in Montreal and Quebec tin roofs had proved their durability by lasting forty or fifty years without painting or loosing any of their soundness. "The last one executed in Staunton (Mr Cowans)," he added, "has a very handsome appearance and its lightness is Certainly a great recomendation." As far as cost, Dinsmore informed Jefferson that "the first Cost of the tin for Covering Mr Smiths House was about $8 pr Square Say $135 for what Coverd 17½ Square but one eighth additional may be allowed for Increasing the width of the laps—Mr Brooks price for Cutting and machineing is $2 per Box—for Putting on $5 per Square—the Cost for nails is very trifleing." The Staunton men cautioned that a considerable quantity of inferior tin was on the market and Dinsmore closed by saying that "Zinc Costs 21 Cts the Sup[erfici]al foot and appears to be a very Solid evenly, Sheet about the thickness of English milld Lead . . . it Solders very well."(142)
Now that it was known that tin was a viable roofing option at the college, in addition to slate which had been considered back in the summer, one more material was left to considered, the traditional wooden shingle. The week following his report on tin, Dinsmore and fellow undertaker John Perry set about to determine the cost of covering the college's roofs with this more traditional material. "From the best Calculations Mr Perry & My Self Can make," Dinsmore reported, "we find that a Square of Hart Pine Shingling, all expences Included, viz. timber, getting, Hauling Putting on, Nails &c Cannot at Present be done for less than ten Dollars."(143) At one third less the cost per square (100 square feet), wood shingling appeared far cheaper than tin, but considering the limited life span for exposed pine as compared to the other materials, it ultimately was decided to cover the buildings with slate or experiment with tin.
Search for More Bricklayers
As the year neared its end and the winter begin to set in, only the perennial matter of contracting with brickmakers was left to be taken care of at the college. On 14 December David Meade Randolph, Jr., of Presqui'ile plantation wrote to recommend an Englishman "named Warrener, a bricklayer & plasterer by trade," who was qualified to "execute the ornamental branches of his trade," and who was looking for employment in his line of work and willing to "work one month on trial on any terms you please."(144) Jefferson was unwilling to deliver such a large undertaking to the Englishman, who though thoroughly skilled obviously lacked the necessary capital and other means to carry on the scale of work required at the college. He replied to Randolph a week later that should the legislature adopt the Central College for the site of the university, "advertisements will be immediately put into the public papers for undertakers of the brickwork Carpentry & housejoinery, from which every one will learn in that way & to whom they are to apply for employment. there will be abundant work for them."(145)
Planning the manufacture and laying of hundreds of thousands of bricks for the coming year was more important than the application of one unemployed (even if highly skilled) bricklayer and plasterer. Apparently the college was experiencing some difficulty in maintaining quality control over the brickwork, for a chimney built by Hugh Chisholm for James Dinsmore on Pavilion II had to be taken down and rebuilt, according to a measurement Dinsmore made for Central College Proctor Nelson Barksdale on 20 December. The new chimney for the Doric pavilion, composed of 4,878 bricks, cost a total of $162.09—$57.11 for 3,807 common bricks, $29.98 for 1,071 oil stock bricks, and $75 for labor.(146) On Christmas day Jefferson received a letter from Dabney Cosby, a successful Staunton bricklayer who had followed his calling upwards of twenty years, who offered to "Put up from 3 to 400,000 this Year And from 6 to 700,000 next Year and as long afterwards as required . . . in the event I undertake the Clay May be exposed as Much as Possible to the frost this Winter."(147) Cosby, among others, did land a contract after the state sanctioned the Central College for its new state university, and in the future chimneys at the site did not need to be taken down and rebuilt.(148)
More immediate, however, was Jefferson's problem of determining the price to be paid for the brickwork already completed by Matthew Brown, to be settled according to the price for similar work in Lynchburg and its neighborhood. As previously noted, Brown and John Perry had joined forces back in the fall and Brown now left his more astute partner to settle the payment.(149) Since Jefferson's ill health prevented him from making a winter pilgrimage to his Bedford estate, he accordingly wrote Radford & Yancey of Lynchburg on the last day of the year to solicit the firm's help, suggesting that he "always expected" to pay Brown $13 the thousand—$8 for the bricks and $5 for the labor—and noting that the "advances of money to him have been ready and liberal, and his full paiment will not be delayed beyond April or May."(150) No record reply from Radford & Yancey has been located.
Year-End Balance Sheet
At the end of the year 1818 the balance sheet for the Central College showed its (projected) income at $25,229.86 ($3,280.86 from the proceeds of the sale of Albemarle County glebe lands and $21,949 from the first two installments of private subscriptions). The expenditures for building added up to only $18,648, however, leaving a projected balance to be spent in 1819 of $6,581.86. The breakdown of expenditures is as follows:(151)
D 200. a land purchased from Perry & Garth 1,540. Proctor 200. D. Overseer 150. D 350. laborers hire. 8. about 800. subsistence and miscellaneous expences 500. Doric Pavilion [87,456 bricks] estimated @ 3,411. South wing of Dormitories [184,325. br.] North wing of do. [182,137. br.] estimated @ 13 & xd by 2. 6,926. Corinthian Pavilion [123,717. br.] suppose @ 13. D 3,843. 26 x by 3. 5,121. Balance remaining for 1819. 6,581.86 25,229.86
The eight laborers mentioned in the year-end account may have included some of the slaves belonging to Pallison Boxley of Louisa County that Proctor Nelson Barksdale and Ludlow Branham of Boswell's Tavern gave a $670 security bond for on Tuesday 15 December 1818, "it being for the hire of Four Negro men two boys and a woman for the next ensuing year and the Said Negroes to be returned on or before the 25th day of Decmr."(152)