Chapter 3 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| My charge | ||
| for weatherboarding plank price | hundred | $1.00 |
| Three quarter plank | hundred feet | $1.35 Cts |
| Inch plank | hundred feet | $1.70 |
| Floreing plank | hundred feet | $2.00 |
| Scantling 3 inches by 4 | hundred feet | 2.50 |
| Sash plank for 4 Dollars | hundred(163) |
Barksdale informed Flanagan in late March that Jefferson was satisfied with his prices, and that the university would buy all the plank that his mill could produce, a proposal which Flanagan accepted eagerly on the first of April.(164) Unknown to Jefferson, during the same week that Flanagan made his proposal, Leghorn Consul Thomas Appleton was signing a contract with the Raggi "brothers" for stonecarving. The Italian sculptors contracted to carve marble at the university for three years and, receiving $200 each against their future earnings, agreed to take the first opportunity that Appleton could arrange for them to sail to America. In addition to paying their passage to America, the university agreed to pay the artists' 526 Spanish dollars a year plus provide a diet acceptable to their station (see appendix L). A further stipulation entitled the university to retain one-fourth of the two men's salary until the end of their three-year term.(165) On 25 February Appleton wrot e Jefferson that the Raggis had "embark'd on board the Brig Strong Captain Concklin for Baltimore," at a cost of $140 each.(166) As usual, however, months passed before the delivery of letters from abroad; in fact, it was the end of June before Jefferson learned of Appleton's actions.(167)
In the third week of February Jefferson received Joseph Carrington Cabell's letter from Richmond written to inform him that Governor James Patton Preston had named the first Board of Visitors for the University of Virginia and fixed the date of their first meeting for the last Monday in March. Besides Jefferson, Cabell, James Madison, and John Hartwell Cocke, who all had served on the board for the Central College, three new men received appointments, Chapman Johnson, who was born at Boswell's Tavern in Louisa and lived in Staunton, James Breckenridge of Botetourt County, and Robert B. Taylor of Norfolk. James Monroe and David Watson, visitors for the college, were not reappointed.(168) In his reply to Cabell, Jefferson called the makeup of the new board "entirely unexceptionable," noting only that Breckenridge and Taylor lived at such a distance as to "render their attendances uncertain." Calling attention to the "lateness of the day" (March 29) for the new board's first meeting, Jefferson considered it indispensable for the old board to meet and apply all its funds to building so as not to lose the chance of employing workmen for the coming year. Otherwise, there would be a delay in the opening of the institution for a year, and, he thought, the university should not be opened "until we can do it with that degree of splendor necessary to give it a prominent character." He requested that the college's visitors meet at Madison's Orange County home, Montpelier, on the following Friday (26 February) "to determine at once" what buildings could be undertaken during the coming season. He believed their funds would permit two pavilions in addition to the two already being constructed, one "boarding house" (hotel) and 20 or 30 more dormitories.(169)
Cabell, of course, could not travel from Richmond to Montpelier in late February; Jefferson notified Watson in Louisa and Cocke in Fluvanna that their presence was necessary to form a quorum.(170) Jefferson himself (nearly 76 years of age and not fully recuperated from the severe illness he developed at the springs following the meeting at Rockfish Gap the previous August), informed General Cocke that "the roads being impassable for a carriage, I shall take it on horseback, dividing the journey into two days. if the weather is good I shall probably go to Colo. Lindsay's on Wednesday & to mr Madison's the next day, if you have time for such leisurely movements I shall be happy in having your company."(171) On the day of the meeting, however, Watson sent a missile informing the board that the "badly of the weather, & the state of my health . . . absolutely forbid my attempting to meet you" at Madison's. He did plan to go to Albemarle on the 28th, though, and he proposed that in the mean time the board meet and "do as if I were personally present, & assenting to whatever you & the visitors you may advise with, think necessary & proper; use no ceremony, but affix my name to any paper or papers that may require it."(172) The board did just that, and Jefferson, on his way back home following the meeting, obtained Watson's signature on the minutes of the visitors.(173)
At their meeting the visitors resolved to carry out the plans for the buildings along the lines that Jefferson indicated to Cabell a week earlier. They unanimously agreed that "the urgency of the advancing season, and the importance of procuring workmen before they become generally otherwise engaged for the season, render . . . that certain measures be forthwith taken."(174) "Certain measures" meant immediately advertising for workmen for the university and awarding contracts, a process which Jefferson started on 1 March.(175) After voting on Jefferson's initial goals for the buildings, the visitors supplemented their ruling by adding that "we approve of the propositions for covering with tin sheets the Pavilions and Hotels hereafter to be covered, and for bringing water to them by wooden pipes from the neighboring highlands." Also, the board appointed Alexander Garrett, treasurer of the Central College, to become Bursar of the University "until otherwise provided," and so that he could "meet the immediate and pressing calls for money," it authorized Garrett to receive the $15,000 public endowment for 1819.(176)
In the week following the last meeting of the Central College visitors, outgoing member and House of Delegates representative David Watson came to the realization that he had played a vital role in promoting a plan for building at the university that he did not like in any respect. He wrote John Hartwell Cocke on 8 March to inform the general that he had met Jefferson on the road "& did what was necessary in the business that carried you to Mr. Madisons. While I was up, I visited the University, which, to my shame, I had not seen, since the foundation stone was laid; & I now regret this the more, as the buildings are not upon a plan to meet my notions of convenience & utility." Watson "breifly & imperfectly" stated some of his objections to Jefferson's architectural plan, which, in his words, lacked convenience and fitness as well as the requisite size for the purposes for which they were intended. "Without this architectural order, & chastity, & beauty, which Mr. Jefferson talks of, will be all thrown away. The pavilion which was first raised, is altogether unfit for the residence of a professor who has a family," Watson asserted. "The cellar is barely sufficient for a kitchen; & where will meal, meat, & all the necessary articles of ordinary subsistance, which you can readily imagine, be kept? The second pavilion is larger, & of course less objectionable; but even that will be deficient in convenience." But most of all, Watson objected to the dormitories. Lacking convenience, too small, and too public for study, he predicted that the
fine walk in front of them, under the projection of the terrace, will be a thoroughfare; & when the doors will be necessarily open for air, in warm weather, (for the windows alone will be by no means sufficient,) the student will see & hear his idle fellow students walking & talking & sporting within arms length of him, every moment in the day; for the floor of his room will be upon a level, or nearly so, with the street before the door. They will not be safe to lodge in when the windows are open; for a long armed man might stand in the back ground & reach ones clothes from the bed side; or he chose to enter, might easily step over the window sill. Where will a student put his table, his trunk, his pitcher & wash bowl; & where is he to keep fuel for his fire? If he is to buy & take care of fuel for himself, he must keep it under lock & key.
The boarding houses, "an important appendage," rankled Watson as well because they were disconnected from the dormitories and lacked proper gardens. "I fear too that the flat roofs will leak, for I scarcely ever knew a flat roof in Virginia that did not. The interior of the pavilions are built too expensively. The floors, for instance, are too costly both as to materials and the manner of laying them." Warning Cocke that there was no time to lose and advising him to get assistance if necessary from "some one experienced in planing large establishments," the frantic Watson finally exclaimed, "I am quite an ignoramus in architecture; but I can feel what is convenient & inconvenient; and, by all our ardent prayers & wishes, let us not sacrifice the important, long sought object, for the want of suitable convenience in the plan of the buildings, & other arrangements." Watson, realizing too late and too imperfectly the scope of Jefferson's architectural vision, at last concluded, "Mr. J. is sacraficing every thing to Attic & Corinthian order & chastity; about which I know nothing, & care almost as little; tho' I certainly should be pleased that the establishment should have an eligant & dignified appearance."(177)
On the last day of the month, Jefferson's old friend and former governor Wilson Cary Nicholas wrote him that Arthur Spicer Brockenbrough was willing to contract with the university for the carpenter's work and also could engage to "undertake the superintendence of all your work of every sort at that place." This proved a great boon for the university and for Jefferson as the amount of work increased greatly the ensuing spring and summer, for the capable Brockenbrough served as a reliable and zealous promoter of the institution's interests. A brother of Judge William Brockenbrough, Thomas Brockenbrough, Dr. Austin Brockenbrough, and Dr. John Brockenbrough, Jr., and like them a man of "excellent character," Arthur Brockenbrough was known as a "compleat workman" and said to be "more scientific than any of our public," asserted Nicholas.(178) He built the new banking houses in Richmond, his brother's new house (either John's White House of the Confederacy or William's "simpler house of red brick on Broad Street, across Ninth from the Swan Tavern, and on the site of the present [1923] Smithdeal College"),(179) and many others, including one for Judge Spencer Roane. "If you want such a person," the enthusiastic Nicholas said,
I believe you wou'd not be more fortunate in the selection. I feel interested on your account that you shou'd have his services, as I am sure he wou'd save you much trouble & fatigue. Mr. B. has been employed here either as contractor or superintendent for the execution of much brick work. I do not know that he has any idea of the sort, but as soon as the subject was mentioned to me, I thought he possibly might be useful in another way in the progress of the institution & that I wou'd suggest it to you . . . I believe there is but little chance of your employing a person more likely to command the respect & confidence of parents or boys. This however is entirely a thought of my own. Before it is acted upon in any way I shou'd be glad you coud know him & judge for yourself."(180)
Jefferson responded positively to Nicholas' suggestion, calling Brockenbrough "exactly such a character" as the institution needed but pessimistically added, "I fear much that altho. he would suit us, our salary would not suit him." Sandy Garrett traveled down to Richmond to consult with Nicholas and Senator Cabell before contacting Brockenbrough directly, and the three men decided to encourage Brockenbrough to visit the site of the university.(181) The day after their meeting, Nicholas wrote Jefferson again to inform him that "Mr. B. is not a common workman, I understand he is a competent architect. His brother the Doctor, who has both experience & taste, tells me he is master of all the different orders of Architecture. I hope you will pardon my anxioustness upon this subject, it proceeds entirely from my desire to save you trouble."(182) (Nicholas also stated his opinion that the price of brickwork in Richmond was expected to fall under $10 per thousand for the summer due to "a total suspension of every thing like building.") Brockenbrough left Richmond on 27 March to talk to Jefferson and the Board of Visitors about the position,(183) and the university Board of Visitors at their first meeting on Monday 29 March authorized its committee of superintendence (Jefferson and John Hartwell Cocke) to engage Brockenbrough as proctor for $2,000 a year.(184)
After Brockenbrough's return to Richmond, Governor Nicholas continued to negotiate with him for the university but did not feel authorized to make a deal because Brockenbrough's prior commitments prohibited his moving to the university before August.(185) In mid-April Brockenbrough traveled to Cocke's James River plantation in Fluvanna County located about half-way between Richmond and Charlottesville, called Bremo, at the urging of Senator Joseph Carrington Cabell. Brockenbrough carried letters from Cabell to Cocke, who wrote his friend that "I hope you will hold on upon Brockenbrough,"(186) and one from Governor James Patton Preston to Cocke introducing Brockenbrough as the executive superintendant of repairs at the capitol and of the improvements of the public square. "He is judicious śconomical and industrious in this business . . . a man possessing good taste and understands the mode of executing work as well as any person, having been regularly bred to the business of building. He possesses a most Amiable & unexceptionable character & I think he would not engage in any business that he was not perfectly competent to."(187) Brockenbrough accepted the position while at Bremo but could not move his family to the university site until the end of July.(188)
Nelson Barksdale in the meantime continued to serve in the capacity as proctor for the university. On the first day of March an advertisement for house carpenters and joiners obviously penned by Jefferson began to circulate in Barksdale's name. It specifically required contractors to submit bids for work at the university based upon Mathew Carey's 1812 Philadelphia Price Book, although undertakers were free to adjust their proposals in either direction by percentage.(189) Lumber alone was excepted, to be settled at its actual cost, but the kiln drying of unseasoned boards would be at the contractors' expense.(190) The advertisement was placed in the local newspaper as well as in several other localities, including Staunton, Winchester, Richmond, Baltimore, and Philadelphia.(191)
The appearance of the advertisement in the newspapers brought an immediate and overwhelming response, making the month of March 1819 one of the most important in the building of the University of Virginia. The worker's proposals that began to trickle into the university at first apparently were instigated by word of mouth. Several prominent Lynchburg citizens sent letters to Jefferson in early March recommending plasterer David White, who was the brother of the deceased Albemarle County resident William White, and who was presently engaged in plastering a house in Botetourt County for Charles Johnston.(192) White, described as "well acquainted with stucco & ornamental plaistering,"(193) had been "closely employed at his profession" in the Lynchburg area for several years, fulfilling his contracts "with neatness, and dispatch," much to the satisfaction of his employers until a "great depression here in all kinds of business, have put . . . an entire stop, to all improvement."(194) White arrived at the university, armed with a fresh recommendation from Christopher Hudson of Mount Air labeling him "one of the best workmen in his line" and with his proposal in hand:
Three Coat plaster and Lathing 62˝ Cents Three Do Brick Do. Walls 46 Two Do. and Lathing 46 Two Do on Brick Walls 34 One Do and Lathing 34 One Do and Brick Walls 17 I wish to undertake all the plastering as I see no difficulty in accomplishing it.(195)
Judge Archibald Stuart of Staunton sent an interesting letter of introduction to Jefferson for Dabney Cosby, the brickworker. Besides describing Cosby as a person desirous of undertaking "a small part of the Brick work . . . say to Make and lay 350,000 bricks," Stuart also warned of a plot to monopolize the brickwork by some of central Virginia's most prominent contractors:
I have been advised that separate proposals will be made by Messrs Jordan, Brown, Hawkins, Darst and perhaps others for parts of the brick work takeing care that such parts shall include the whole while in fact they are all to be partners in the proposed undertakeingIf they are successful they will exclude all competition & this monopoly may eventuate even worse that that of an IndividualMr. C[osby] assures me he stands unconnected in the Offer he shall make & I believe it is his object so to demean himself as to attract the future attention of the Visitors.(196)
No evidence of this alleged conspiracy to monopolize the brickwork at the university has been identified, however. Cosby made the trip across the Blue Ridge on 14 March when he interviewed the ex-president in person. He waited until late March to submit his proposal to make and lay 200,000 to 300,000 bricks for $14 per thousand, "Lime unstacked from Agusta" and "Sand from Secretarys ford."(197) When meeting with Jefferson, Cosby mentioned the possibility that his friend Bolinger might be willing to lay the wooden water pipe for the university. Immediately upon his return to the valley Cosby consulted Bolinger, who stated his price as "$6. Pr Hd. feet & One Shilling for fiting each Joint. If fited with Boxes no charge for Joints. Diameter of the bore 2 inches Bonding found also sufficient help to Lay them down." Bolinger "Prefers pine, to Chesnut," said Cosby, "the latter will split in Jointing and requires a band. Logs should be cut 18 or 20 feet long, from 10 to 14 inches diameter at the Stump. He desires you to let me Know in 8 or 9 days whether you will consider it a contract."(198) Bolinger could not begin work at the university until late April, however, so when Jefferson informed Bolinger that the university was accepting his offer he told him to put off coming until the first week of May.(199)
The publishing of the advertisement calling for workers at the University of Virginia, as previously mentioned, was an incident of almost unparalleled importance in the institution's young history. The promotion of the Central College to university status certainly lent the establishment the legitimacy it needed to draw off workers from Philadelphia, the country's premier city when it came to construction and the building trades. Furthermore, the fact that workers willing to leave Philadelphia, Baltimore, Richmond, or even Lynchburg, to come to Jefferson's lonely hill-top site highlighted the fact that 1819 proved to be a particularly depressed year in the nation's economic history. The craftsmen that inundated the mailboxes of Jefferson and Nelson Barksdale with a welcome flood of business propositions in the last half of March wasted little time in preparing their proposals although decisions about which to accept were postponed until the Board of Visitors meeting on 29 March.
Stonecutter Levi Taylor of Baltimore had the honor of being the first to inquire about the advertisement even though it had not mentioned his craft.(200) Next, four prominent Philadelphians and architect Robert Mills wrote to recommend Richard Ware as "worthy to be employed, and competent, as a carpenter, to assist in the contemplated Structure."(201) Jefferson's son-in-law, Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., of Varina forwarded a letter from a relative who recommended Daniel R. Calverly as a painter "surpassed by none in Richmond" who had done a "great deal" of painting at Tuckahoe. Calverly trekked from Richmond to Charlottesville to present his petition in person.(202) Christopher Branch wrote from Manchester regarding the carpenter and joiner work but found himself at a loss how to make an offer, not knowing "For Instance the Door & Window frames, Doors and Sash, (plain & fancy,) If there should be fancy Sash wanting particularly Guilt."(203) Carpenter Jacob H. Walker, writing from Smyrna, Delaware, proposed to "work ate teenty five per cent" advance on "Mathea Caray house Carpents Book of prises," promising to send letters of "Rcomendashen amedently" upon receiving "wourd what the prise of Bouard is By the week."(204)
Patrick Gibson and Dr. John Brockenbrough, Jr., brother of soon-to-be proctor Arthur Spicer Brockenbrough, each wrote from Virginia's capital to recommend David Hickey, the "skillful workman" who recently finished the plaster work at Brockenbrough's mansion and at Richmond's new courthouse.(205) Hickey waited until the summer to offer to "undertake and Compleet the plastering and Stone worke of Mr. A. S. Brockenbrough new houses now building and furnish all Meaterials Nesesary for Said worke at the following prices[:] three Coat plastering 35 Cts. pr. yd. Opnings 25 Cts pr yd.[;] two Coat plastering 33 Cents pr. yd. Opnings 16 Cts pr yd.[;] Lathing 17 Cents pr yd. Opnings 8 Cents p yd.[;] plain Cornice 45 Cents pr ft."(206)
John Parham, a "Master Carpenter" in Philadelphia for 17 years with 5 apprentices, wrote to complain that Carey's 1812 Price Book "is not Known at all by the Measurers and Carpenters of this City; and was never used as a rule for Measurement." Philadelphia carpenters used two books, said Parham, who was a man of considerable property and a competent draftsman, "One belonging to old, and the other to what is called the New Carpenters Hall."(207) Chilion Ashmead saw the university's advertisement for workers in the Baltimore paper and wrote to ask if the painting and glazing "Have all Reddy" been contracted for and mentioning the "Presedent & Managers of the Balto Exchange Co and Mr Latrobe A Gentlema[n] I Presume well none to you" as possible references.(208) Curtis Carter and William B. Phillips, who together would land a contract for brickwork at the university, sent in a proposal to make and lay 700,000 to 1,000,000 brick and complete it by the first of November next:
For all walls faised with oil stock Brick $18 / mFor all walls faised with sand Stock Brick $13 do all walls such as partitions brest of chimneys and Seller walls below the surface $12 do The Bricks to be all harde the sand & lime to be the best the nabourhood affords and the worke to be exeucuted in a nice and workman like manner(209)
Jefferson reserved 300,000 bricks for Carter & Phillips at the price of $11˝ for "place-brickwork" and $20 for "oil-stock work," which they accepted.(210)
William Hawley, Jr., of Winchester, whose business was "hascepainting glazin and paperhanging," not knowing the university's "choice of cullers," wrote to give his customary price, "I have one still for a sollid yaurd which I Beleave is the price in washington citty[.] my price for glazin and materiale found" is, Hawley stated,
Six By eight 4 cts 8 By 10 610 By 12 8 12 By 16 10 12 By 18 12 12 By 20 16 price of glazin
Hawley promised to bring to "sharlottes Vill" his "first rate worke man he is so called in winchester."(211) Another painter, Thomas Smith, appealed to William T. Gray of Fredericksburg for an introduction to Jefferson. Gray declined, not having ever "had that honour myself," but did say that Smith was a "sober and industrious citizen" of "correct conduct. He is considered a good painter."(212) E. W. Hudnall of Buckingham County noticed the advertisement in the Richmond Enquirer and submitted a proposal of 12˝ cents per square yard for each coat of "plain painting" in "girt measure." (Girt measurements take into account the entire surface of an object, including depressions and projections.) For fancy painting such as "Mahogany, Marble Satin Woods, Stone colour &c." he charged 75 cents, and venetian blinds depended on the size. Hudnall's price for glazing is as follows:
For Glazing 10. by 12 for each light 10. Cents " Ditto 12 " 14 " " " 12˝ " " 14 " 16 " " " 17 " " 16 " 24 " " " 25
The Glass must be of the proper sizes or I shall charge 2 Cents for every light I cut & if cut all round or circular 4 Cents.
"You will please address me at New Canton," Hudnall concluded, "My character as a painter and Glazier, will if necessary be laid before you by the following Gentlemen (who will vouch for the neatness of my execution, and the promtitude of my dispatch) Viz. Littlebury Moon of Scottsville, Charles Irving & George Booker Esqr. of Buckingham, Alexander Brent of Cumberland, & Wm. Perking Sherriff of Buckingham," who were all prominent men in central Virginia.(213) Norborne Ratcliffe wanted to undertake the making and laying of 100,000 brick at $15 per thousand, much higher than the current prices in Richmond where he had worked for the last two or three years. "or if the bricks is made by a Seperate Contract & every thing delivered on the Spot," Ratcliffe added, "I will lay them at the Price of three Dollers Per thousen arches to be a load conciderred a ceperate charge in either of my Proposals: brick makeing I am well acquanted with & dou a Shore you if I be come and undertaker of any Part of this work will use every exertion to give Satisfaction to the Parties."(214)
Former Richmond Mayor John Adams introduced Russell Dudly, who built the Union Hotel in Richmond, to new university Board of Visitor member General James Breckenridge, saying the carpenter "is associated in any offers which he may make with Mr. Otis Manson, who is an Architect of the first order & has designed & executed most of the most elegant buildings in the lower part of our City."(215) Richard Ware's proposal to undertake "three portions" of carpenter work already has been mentioned.(216) Although he modified his initial proposal in early April, James Oldham, who previously worked as a joiner at Monticello, tendered his "Servises" to undertake the carpentry and joinery for "one or two of the Buildings" at a 25 percent "advance on the adopted rule, the worke to be performed agreeable to the Turms specifyed in the Advertisment, but the kilndrying of Plank and bordes will be charged for."(217) James W. Widderfield, working as a carpenter for contractor John M. Perry, obligated himself to do the all the woodwork work of a hotel and its attached dormitories at the "prices heare to fore giveen for work of the same description done at the University or by M Carrys book of prices printed in Phildelppia in 1812."(218) But housejoiner and contractor James Dinsmore, nearing completion of Pavilion II, submitted an informed opinion that he "Should not Consider my Self Justifiable in undertakeing by the Book mentioned as the Standard at a less advance than the difference of the Currency between Pensyvania & Virginia." Dinsmore, knowing first hand "the manner in which the work is Expected to be executed, and the difficultys we Labour under here in procureing good workmen," offered to undertake the carpentry and joinery work of the Ionic pavilion with its range of dormitories at 5 percent less the book price, "Provided they get an experienced Philadelphia measurer to measure the work after it is Executed, which would Probably be best also for Preventing disputes between the Visitors & undertaker." This last suggestion later was required by the courts before James Oldham's lawsuit against the university could be settled (see appendix J).(219)
On the same day that Dinsmore offered his proposal for consideration, he and John Perry (by now the two contractors with the most experience and knowledge at the university construction site) submitted a report informing the Board of Visitors that they "haveing leveled from the doric pavillion to the Springs on the mountainfind the two first to be 6. feet above the water tableat the distance of 1,100 yardsone hundred yards further is another Spring 26. feet above the water table of pavillionand Still furtherSay abut 60 yards there is another 75 feet above the sd. levelall of these are bold good Springsthe furtherest Spring1,260. yards from the pavillionas near as we Could tell by Steping it of[f]."(220) Although the distance was troublesome and the university would be plagued by water supply problems for some years into the future, the fact that the springs were strong was good news (see appendix T). As for John Perry, on the same day he submitted his own proposal to make and lay 300,000 bricks at $14 per thousand and to execute the "appendant" woodwork for a hotel and dormitories at 25 percent above the prices printed in Carey's "philadelphia price bookthat makeing the prices Virginia Currency"; he also offered to furnish the lumber from his own sawmill.(221)
When the Board of Visitors of the University of Virginia met for the first time several workmen were yet preparing their proposals for the coming year. Painter and window glazer Thomas Smith showed up in person while the visitors were meeting to submit his bid, saying that he would install window glass for 10 cents per square foot for precut glass and 15 cents otherwise. As for outside painting, Smith's price for one "collor and the work is plain no Carved work attached" was 25 cents per square yard for 2 coats, 10 cents for additional coats. For inside work he charged 30 cents per yard for two coats and 12 cents for additional coats for one color. "Imitating Mahagony on Doors or Elsewhere and varnishing the same with Copal varnish," cost 75 cents per yard, and he suggested the "same price for painting in imitation of Sattiny wood or Norway Oak."(222) John Percival addressed a letter to Jefferson proposing to work at 40 percent advance on the Philadelphia Price Book but not before he offered the former president a "fiew remarks" of admonishment. "It is very astonishing," wrote Percival, "that the first men in this very extensive & riseing Empire Should fix as a standard perhaps the most Antient in the present Day the most illiberal the most Obsolete & the least Scientific of all Books extant and by this means to enslave with a yoke & reduce to Vassalage the most extinsive & useful Branch of the Republic."(223)
The new Board of Visitors met as scheduled on Monday, 29 March, with all members attending, and appointed Jefferson rector of the university, Peter Minor secretary to the board, and Alexander Garrett bursar, allowing the latter $250 a year for compensation. The board also appointed Jefferson and Cocke to a committee of "advice, Superintendence and controul," authorizing them "jointly or severally" to direct the agents of the institution during the intervals of its sessions, but "jointly only" to call a special meeting of the board when necessary. It instructed the new committee to purchase at a "fair valuation or reasonable price" such portion of John Perry's land that lay between the two tracts heretofore purchased of him, "as may conveniently unite the whole in one body," provided it could defer the payment until the institution received the fourth installment of subscriptions or the third year's public endowment. Another important matter devolving to the committee of superintendence was the hiring of Arthur Spicer Brockenbrough as proctor of the University for $2,000 or less, or if he could not be engaged, then any other person "on such terms as they find necessary."
The board also resolved to instruct acting Proctor Nelson Barksdale to examine into the state of the property real and personal (monies and credits excepted) formerly appertaining to the Central College, and he make an inventory of the same, "as it stands at this day, specifying the items whereof it consists, and noticing the buildings and other improvements already made and those which are in progress." It also instructed the new bursar to make a statement of the funds in money and credits and debts relative to the Central College. Finally, the board reaffirmed the decision made by the visitors of the Central College at their last meeting (26 February) to delay the opening of the institution by diverting all incoming funds into construction of the buildings and resolved to approve and pursue the measures "adopted by them for the buildings of the present year."(224)
The month of March, so pregnant with possibilities, finally ended, but not before one more undertaker set down to write out a proposal to undertake work at the university. Abraham Woglome of Philadelphia, 20 years as a "master Employer," offered to bring five or six bricklayers to Virginia and to "Superintend the Mason & brick work."(225) After this the flood of incoming proposals began to abate, albeit slowly. In fact, April opened with three of the local carpenters resubmitting their bids. James Dinsmore and John M. Perry, learning of the proctor's advertisement and expecting fierce competition for the award of contracts, withdrew their previous proposals and together handed in a new one accepting the "Book mentioned as the Standard Counting a Dollar there [Pennsylvania] Equal, to a Dollar here."(226) James Oldham followed suit two days later, "very desireous of getting to worke if on Turms onely that will cover my daly expenses," offering a proposal that was accepted a few days later.(227) Thus three of Jefferson's favored workmen from the Monticello reconstruction of a few years earlier were given employment. The fourth, master craftsman and architect John Neilson, sent a letter from Upper Bremo, the plantation on the James River in Fluvanna County where Neilson was constructing a Palladian mansion for John Hartwell Cocke, turning down employment for the present season.(228) Richard M. Burke offered to make window "Sashes frames Doors &c" in his Richmond shop.(229) Daniel Flournoy of "Chester-field" offered to make 5 or 600,000 bricks "this season."(230) In mid-April David Cobbs wrote "for the perpus of of nowing wheather I Could undertak the Jobs of piping the warter to the bildings: my price is ten sentes pr foot. the Dich augr the Loges Hold & the Borer furneses. I will Compled. it in 2 month."(231) Cobb's proposal was the last to arrive until mid-June, when Albemarle County resident William Wood offered to provide scantling and "every kind of plank, well seasoned" after the first of October.(232) Although a couple more proposals trickled in during the course of the summer, by the end of the first week in April the matter of undertaking for the building had been effectively settled for the coming season.(233)
The one important matter left to be taken care as the season for work opened up was that of hiring a replacement for Nelson Barksdale to keep track of the progress of the work and the workers, a task increasingly requiring energies beyond those possessed by the still agile but aged Jefferson.(234) The hiring of Arthur Spicer Brockenbrough as the new proctor in mid-April was a godsend which came none too soon, but before the new proctor could leave Richmond in mid-summer, a creditable beginning had been made by those undertakers fortunate enough to land a contract. By the end of the year the pace of construction had been established at the building site, although Jefferson habitually complained that the work "have gone on miserably slow."(235)
The first contractor fortunate enough to secure a contract from among the many proffers, Philadelphia carpenter Richard Ware, caused a minor crisis at the university. Jefferson wrote Ware on 9 April to inform him that the university would accept his contract on the condition that Ware engage Philadelphia brickmakers and bricklayers to do the brickwork for his buildings, Pavilion V, Hotels A and B, and 23 dormitories (all on the east side of the square, requiring an estimated 578,530 bricks). Promising work for the next year and a "considerable time afterwards," Jefferson also offered dormitories for lodgings for the master workmen and their cellars for the under workmen.(236) Ware considered the wages liberal and sent word to Jefferson via Thomas Cooper that he wanted to accept the terms but that the area brickmakers were already engaged in their summer work. One Cribbs, a "conceited old man a Brickmaker, who appears to have acquired wealth in the pursuit," accompanied Ware's messenger (a Quaker named James) to Cooper. Cribbs advised burning the bricks in a kiln rather than in clamps in order to improve their quality and to temper the clay by the treading of oxen. As for Ware himself, it was said that he was absent from Philadelphia taking the "benefit of the Insolvent Law in Delaware State."(237)
Ware wrote Jefferson a couple days later, however, informing him that he had found bricklayers but that "geting A Brickmaker has detaind me . . . here Bricklayers & makers are two distinct business & to get bricks made is the Onley difficulty in the way." Ware, "afinishing a small job out of town" while at the same time "prepairing my tools," promised to write back in about ten days.(238) Thus Jefferson relied on Ware to bring a crew of carpenters and bricklayers from Philadelphia. By mid-May, however, Jefferson had received word that Ware's embarrassing circumstances caused him to be arrested and jailed when it became known that he was heading for Virginia. "what are we to do?" Jefferson asked the new proctor, "in the first place keep this a profound secret until we can substitute contracts to supply his place." The "two young men" who executed Pavilion II, brothers who were journeymen of Matthew Brown, could aid Curtis Carter, Jefferson suggested, and Cooper could "send us on housejoiners from Philadelphia . . . lest we should seem really to have been jockeying our own workmen. before too that this thing be known you should have written articles signed by all your workmen, for they will endeavor to fly the way when they suspect that the Philadelphia competition is withdrawn.(239)
As it turned out, however, Jefferson's scare was for naught, for Ware, freed from jail, arrived at Monticello less than two weeks later. He assured Jefferson that he had "the most steady, faithful & skilful" workmen ready to sail from Philadelphia to Richmond as soon as they heard from Ware. Jefferson then had to turn around and write back to the proctor with a request to halt any efforts set in motion to replace Ware as a contractor.(240) Informed by Ware that all Philadelphia bricklayers "are regular stonemasons and always do the stone foundations for themselves," Jefferson declared he was "really anxious to have these people employed from the knolege I have of their superior activity over those we are used." And, he added, "I shall expect your answer with anxiety."(241)
Ware returned to Philadelphia, arriving back on 10 June, and found his men "prepairing with all expetction for to come to Virginia." In addition, since talking to Jefferson, he had rounded up some stonecutters who would be "glad to be imployerd" at their trade for $1.50 per day.(242) Abiah Thorn, who in 1820 entered into a brickwork partnership with John M. Perry, came to the university as a result of Ware's new inquiries in Philadelphia.(243) Ware and his men, ready to leave Philadelphia several days ahead of the vessel that carried them south,(244) made it to Richmond by Sunday 11 July.(245) Once at the university the Philadelphians immediately set to work. At Brockenbrough's insistence Ware involved himself in the stonework and quickly saw the need for an "Experienced Qurry man." By 22 July Ware's men had "made A few 1,000 Bricks my 2 tempers not able to work one not well & nurseing of him,"(246) and by the 26th they had made 12,000, although Ware complained that "for the want of rain the floor are in bad order & clay raw & grean."(247) By the 30th, however, Ware had experienced his first insurrection, losing some of his "hands" because of an alleged shortage of fresh beef. "I hope however he will regain them," said Alexander Garrett, "they would be a great loss to the institution, as Ware carries on his work in a very superior stile to any others at the University."(248)
The Philadelphia brickworkers' experience in stonework advanced the general progress of stonework at the site, potentially one of the most troublesome aspects of Jefferson's architectural plan. Also, they arrived just in time to give him some consolation regarding the carving of the marble capitals, four columns each on two Corinthian pavilions, four Ionic pavilions, and four Doric pavilions.(249) Although Michele and Giacomo Raggi had sailed from Leghorn in March, at the end of May Jefferson was still in the dark about when they might arrive.(250) Jefferson already had "begun to despair" of their ever arriving and had written to Cardelli in Washington in search of one "as could carve an Ionic or Corinthian capitel"; Cardelli replied that marble carvers there demanded $3 a day.(251) In late June Dabney S. Carr sent word to Jefferson that the Italians had arrived in Baltimore after a three-month voyage on the Brig Strong but could not gain passage on the steamboat for Norfolk "owing to their not having performed Quarantine." Hence, against Jefferson's previous express orders, they traveled to Charlottesville by stagecoach.(252) The sculptors finally arrived at the university site on the last day of June, right before Jefferson was scheduled to set off for Bedford. Jefferson wrote Proctor Brockenbrough in pressing tones urging him to come immediately to the university:
I think your presence here immediately is indispensably necessary. these men are to be lodged, boarded & set to work. this requires the Quarriers to get to work for raising the stone, common stonecutters to prepare the blocks and other arrangements to get them under way. the Philadelphia workmen will need your presence also for a short time to set them to work, point out the place for their brickyard and other particulars better known to you than myself. in the present unsettled state of things I cannot think of leaving the place for Bedford until your arrival here, and the delay is very distressing to me. . . . I count on being able to depart myself within 24. hours after your arrival here.(253)
The Italian stone sculptors had been at the university only a few days when they examined the university's quarry and, in Jefferson's words to four fellow members of the Board of Visitors, "pronounce it impossible to make of it an Ionic or Corinthian capitel." What was worse, Jefferson added, "they can work only in these ornamental parts, & not at all in plain work. I never was so nonplussed. they have cost us a great deal of money, & how to avoid it's becoming a loss, & how to get our work done, is the difficulty. I shall consult with mr Brockenbrough on it to-day, & depart [for Poplar Forest] tomorrow." The two men decided to let the sculptors make trial on the leaves of a Corinthian capital; if that failed then they could carve the plainer Ionic capitals out of the stone and find other stone for the Corinthian capitals. Jefferson closed the letter to the visitors on a positive tone, "the Philadelphians had arrived at the University & had set to work," he said.(254) Two weeks later Richard Ware commented that the stonecutters had quarried two pieces of marble and was squaring it to 22 inches square by 10 inches thick. "The Italians look sower at those Stones," Ware commented, but "in my Opinion it will look well when worked the grit is hard & Sharpverry hardupon tools but it can be worked."(255)
Fortunately, another stonecutter arrived on the scene who did not have to travel from Italy or Philadelphia or have to be paid the high Washington prices. Irishman John Gorman had worked in a Lynchburg area quarry for about eighteen months before Jefferson discovered him and hired him to polish and lay some hearthstones at Poplar Forest.(256) Gorman assured Jefferson that the deep blue Lynchburg marble could not bear the chisel for delicate work but recommended he try quarries in Pennsylvania.(257) As for Gorman, Jefferson wrote, "he is himself of the first class of stone cutters for every thing which is not sculpture being able to prepare an Ionic capitel all but the last finishing." Impressed with Gorman's practical knowledge of how long it took to carve different types of bases and capitals, Jefferson calculated that it would take the two Italian sculptors three years to carve the Corinthian and Ionic capitals and another three stonecutters two more years to carve the university's tuscan bases and capitals. The Raggis, Jefferson concluded, "should be employed therefore in nothing else, and all the bases should be done by other hands."(258) All in all, Jefferson thought, Gorman was "well informed, industrious very skilful, sober & good humored, and [I] think he will be a valuable acquisition."(259) Gorman more than met Jefferson's expectations by executing stonework at the gymnasia and "all the stone caps, bases, sills, wall copings, and newel blocks for the Rotunda, all of the ten Pavilions, and Hotels A, C, D, E, and F," and some of the dormitories, in addition to setting stove stones, gate blocks, and steps.(260)
Gorman was not scheduled to move to the university until September, however; hence, over the course of the spring and summer 1819, little progress was made on the marble work,(261) and the entire fall was taken up (as regards stonework) with trying to find an alternate source of good quality stone. As it turned out, Consul Thomas Appleton had the best idea in September when he offered to supply marble from Italy, but by the time the letter reached Monticello in December, Jefferson still did not recognize the wisdom of his offer.(262) In October Brockenbrough sent one of the Raggis to Bremo to examine John Hartwell Cocke's free stone and also mentioned the possibility of buying "James river free stone from Grayhams Quarry" for $10 the ton. The exasperated proctor even volunteered that with respect to the Corinthian capitals, if permitted to do as he wanted, "I would get some good yellow poplar & have them carvedthey would last a long time covered as they would be by the projecting Cornice, the necking I would have of stone to seperate the wood from the stuccothe top of the Capitol could be covered with copper by the way of Keeping the water out of itThis I have never ventured to hint to Mr Jefferson knowing he would be opposed to it."(263) Brockenbrough also wrote to Thomas B. Conway in Richmond in search of stone, and that industrious man offered to ship blocks up to "verry large they will measure 73 feet each Quarry measure" for $12˝ per ton.(264)