Chapter 4
The Building Campaign of 1819, Part 2

Almost all great works of art—I think one may safely generalize—have a long period of hidden gestation. They do not arise out of sudden and superficial demands that come from the outside; they are rather the mature working out of inner convictions and beliefs that the artist has long held, has mulled over, has perhaps sought to embody in preliminary essays. In short, the artist must live with his form, so that it becomes flesh of his flesh and bone of his bone, before he can start it on its independent career.

—Lewis Mumford⁽²⁶⁵⁾

Design Change

During the spring and summer the building did move forward on a couple major fronts, but not before the development of what in retrospect appears to have been one radical change in Jefferson's design for the university. As the Central College Board of Visitors' last meeting in late February broke up, Cabell fortunately compelled Jefferson to consider the propriety of turning the backs of the buildings on the backstreets to the backs of the lawn buildings, thus keeping the fronts of all the buildings from facing the rear of someone else's living quarters.⁽²⁶⁶⁾ But that fortunate turn of affairs did not temper David Watson's extreme dissatisfaction with the design. Although his term as visitor had ended, Watson in the week following the Central College visitors' final meeting felt compelled to vent his frustrations in a letter to General Cocke, who would continue as a visitor and who shared Watson's uneasiness about Jefferson's design.⁽²⁶⁷⁾ When it finally dawned upon the members of the board what disagreement they had in common about the design of the university it became only a matter of time before some action followed. The minutes of the meeting of the new Board of Visitors for the university in late March are silent about the university's design but it likely that while together at least some of the visitors began to act in concert to alter the plan.⁽²⁶⁸⁾ Senator Cabell wrote General Cocke in mid-April to inform him that fellow visitor James Breckenridge "entirely concurs with us as to the propriety of stopping the plan of dormitories at the houses of instruction, & with respect to the size of the Lecturing Rooms, & the flat roofs."

The visitors' main disagreement with Jefferson's plan centered around the buildings' sizes, considered much too small, and Jefferson's desire to use flat roofs for the sake of architectural purity. General Breckenridge, who applauded a proposed "change in respect to the gardens," said that new visitor Chapman Johnson concurred with them on the main points; and Cabell conjectured, "& I doubt not Genl. Taylor wd. also." Cabell and Breckenridge decided to write Jefferson separately to state their objections and suggest that the buildings be enlarged but left changes in the dormitories to be handled by their collaborator on the committee of superintendence. "We should move in concert or we shall perplex & disgust the old Sachem," Cabell schemed, ". . . I think we have matters in a pretty fair way."⁽²⁶⁹⁾

Cabell wrote to the "old Sachem" two days later:

I have reflected a good deal on subjects connected with the University since we separated: some thought have occurred to me which I beg leave to communicate to you with the freedom of a friend. The plan of pavilions and dormitories along the area of the University will be beautiful & magnificent, and unlike any thing which I have seen in Europe or America. The continuation of the same style of architecture till the two sides of the Area shall have been filled up, will follow as a matter of course. But permit me to suggest a doubt whether the plan of Pavilions & dormitories should not be confined to the Area, and some other style adopted for the Hotels & back ranges.⁽²⁷⁰⁾

Cabell then poured out his objections to the design now pursued. Dormitories with flat roofs and only one window each, coupled with an "eastern & western Aspect," would overheat during the summer. Also, according to the prevailing opinion of the "best workmen in the Country," flat roofs could not be made leakproof and thus would require "renewal" in only six years.⁽²⁷¹⁾ Moreover, the "contiguous public passage" that the doors of the dormitories opened into confined the students to an environment "less retired from noise and other interruptions, than might be desired." As for the "Lecturing rooms" of the pavilions not yet started, Cabell favored the adoption of a "more spacious plan." He was attracted to the post-Revolutionary French "model of the Greek & Roman theatres & amphitheatres" but realized that type of construction would deprive the professors and their families of the use of the rooms otherwise than for lectures.⁽²⁷²⁾ Cabell did approve of the decision by the committee of superintendence, which General Cocke had informed him of, to annex the gardens to the back yards of the pavilions. As he closed his letter Cabell excused the suggestions he now ventured to make on the basis that he was "mainly governed by the wish to remove every possible ground of objection to the further patronage of the Assembly." He also cautioned that the visitors should guard against communicating to the public "any little differences of opinion which now & then may occur among them, so as to prevent unfounded inferences from being deduced." But to one another each visitor, Cabell added, ought to "think & speak freely his impressions upon every point, and I am well persuaded that a contrary course ought & would be regarded by you as uncandid & unfriendly."

Alternative Design

General John Hartwell Cocke of Bremo, Jefferson's partner on the committee of superintendence, did freely express his impressions about the proposed design, after waiting long enough for Cabell's letter to arrive at Monticello, which it did on 1 May. Like Cabell, Cocke recognized the futility of trying to alter the design of the pavilions and dormitories upon the "upper level" of the square.⁽²⁷³⁾ "The beauty & convenience of this part of the plan more than counterbalances some objections which present themselves to my mind," Cocke conceded to Jefferson. Indeed, he thought, no change for the better could be enacted unless the "low pitched roofs concealed by a railing (upon the plan I once suggested) shou'd be found to be better & more œconomical coverings & to render the rooms more comfortable by keeping the Sun at a greater distance from the ceilings." Cocke enclosed his own architectural scheme for the back streets for Jefferson's perusal, insinuating that his plan might be less expensive and allow for a "more retired situation" of the student apartments, their "less exposes to the influence of the Sun, may recommend it for adoption—notwithstanding the sacrifice it demands in Architectural beauty."⁽²⁷⁴⁾ It combined a hotel and sixteen dormitories under one roof, at once eliminating the difficulty of flat roofs and providing more space for gardens, still considered too small by all the visitors. In typical Jefferson fashion, Cocke even calculated the number of requiste bricks for his building—239,700—as compared to 389,100 for Jefferson's individual dormitory rooms. "I am aware," Cocke concluded, "that the elevation of the plan now suggested, the appearance of the Chimneys and the roof will be offensive to your cultivated taste but perhaps you may think of some stile of finishing with parapet walls at the ends & balustrades between the Chimneys (as are awkwardly represented in the sketch) that will so far cover its deformity as to render it admissible upon the score of œconomy & comfort."⁽²⁷⁵⁾

Cocke's plan, predictably, failed in its desired effect upon the rector. Jefferson could not concede to Cocke's proposal to "unite the hotels and dormitories in massive buildings of 2. or 3. stories high," thus wrecking his architectural unity. However, Cocke's letter, following so closely on Cabell's earnest plea, did cause Jefferson to recognize the seriousness of the visitors' opposition to his design as it now stood. And when Jefferson and Cocke met at the construction site on 12 May to discuss the matter, accompanied by Alexander Garrett, the committee of superintendence, in the bursar's words, ended their meeting by having to "decline building the hotel as first contemplated and in lieu thereof build pavilions, and Dormatories, on the opposite side of the lawn, that is to say directly opposite those already built, this arose from the difference of opinion between them relative to the plan of the hotel."⁽²⁷⁶⁾ At their parting the two men wisely decided to "reserve the question" about altering the plan of the hotels and domitories for the visitors at their next meeting.⁽²⁷⁷⁾

Efforts Redirected

The decision to postpone executing the row of buildings on the backstreet meant that Jefferson had to make the architectural drawings for the buildings of the east lawn. Jefferson informed Brockenbrough on 5 June that he had not begun to prepare the plans, "nor shall I be at leisure to turn to that business till the week after the ensuing one."⁽²⁷⁸⁾ In the meantime, Jefferson told the proctor, the laborers could dig the foundations according to the dimensions of pavilions "No. I. II. III. of the Western range . . . the trimming them to what shall be the eact size of each will be trifling." The foundations for the dormitories too, of both ranges, could be dug. But as altering the terms and manner of the contracts already made with the workmen, "I leave it entirely to yourself."⁽²⁷⁹⁾

Jefferson waited until 8 July to inform the other four visitors that the committee of superintendence substituted the building of three pavilions on the east lawn, with their "appurtenant dormitories," in place of the hotels and dormitories originally scheduled to be built. As for Cocke's plan of uniting hotels and dormitories under one shed, the rector shrewdly diverted attention away from the reasons favoring it by declaring that the "separation of the students in different and unconnected rooms, by two's and two's, seems a fundamental of the plan. it was adopted by the first visitors of the Central college, stated by them in their original report to the Governor as their patron, and by him laid before the legislature; it was approved and reported by the Commissioners of Rockfish gap to the legislature; of their opinion indeed we have no other evidence than their acting on it without directing a change." Jefferson also reminded the visitors of Cabell's wish to alter the layout of the buildings on the ground plan of the university by placing the gardens of the professors adjacent to the rear of their pavilions:

the first aspect of the proposition presented to me a difficulty, which I then thought insuperable to wit, that of the approach of carriages, wood-carts Etc. to the back of the buildings.  mr Cabell's desire however appeared so strong, and the object of it so proper, that, after separation, I undertook to examine & try whether it could not be accomplished; and was happy to find it practicable, by a change which was approved by Genl. Cocke, and since by mr Cabell who has been lately with me. I think it a real improvement, and the greater, as by throwing the Hotels and additional dormitories on a back street, it forms in fact the commencement of a regular town, capable of being enlarged to any extent which future circumstances may call for.⁽²⁸⁰⁾

Workmen's Progress

Changes in Jefferson's design, of course, would have long-term implications for the physical layout and characteristics of the lawn and ranges but for the most part did not effect the immediate practical considerations of the actual contractors involved. James Dinsmore and John Perry, in addition to carrying on the building that they had contracted for with the Central College, began taking on new responsibilities, and two other contractors, James Oldham and Richard Ware, began work on their pavilions, hotels, and dormitories. The foundation for Perry's new building was delayed until mid-August, when he was scheduled to "commence as soon as they have succeeded in blowing a rock which has impeaded there progress in diging his foundation."⁽²⁸¹⁾ Perry, however, besides working on the buildings he contracted for earlier, kept busy supervising brickmaking and cutting lumber at his sawmill. Dinsmore did spend time in mid-May laying off the grounds for the new pavilion and its adjacent dormitories on the eastern side of the lawn following the previously discussed meeting of the committee of superintendence on 11 May. He agreed to lay off the grounds along the new plan for the eastern side of the square so that the proctor would not have to return so soon from Richmond since the "hands now engaged diging out the foundation for the 2. buildings on the West of the lawn, would be idle after those are compleated."⁽²⁸²⁾ By early June Dinsmore was back at work on Pavilion II, and the proctor, making a visit to the Academical Village for a few days, submitted an alternate second floor plan for the building that "saves the running of the 2nd staircase immediately before the front door."⁽²⁸³⁾ Jefferson acknowledged that the two staircases "is a very exceptionable thing. but the changes proposed to avoid it appear to me to produce greater disadvantages."⁽²⁸⁴⁾ Early August found Dinsmore putting up the "Modellians on the Cornice of his Pavillian"⁽²⁸⁵⁾ and by mid-August he was calling for stone door sills, so George W. Spooner, Jr., finding it impractical to procure them from the "presant Quarry without the assistance of a man aquainted with blowing," went hunting for stone that could be more readily procured and discovered a number of "well shapen Blocks that will answer the purpose" on William D. Meriwether's land, about three-fourths of a mile "farther than the presant" quarry.⁽²⁸⁶⁾

The enterprising James Oldham, a most superior woodworker, immediately set to work on Pavilion I and by the middle of June was anxiously seeking quality lumber from which to fashion his window sashes. The building's ornamental "Ordre Dorique" entablature was inspired by Charles Errard and Roland Fréart de Chambray's beautiful depiction of the Baths of Diocletian in Parallele de l'Architecture Antique avec la Moderne (1650; Paris 1766).⁽²⁸⁷⁾ On 21 June Oldham wrote to the master of Monticello with questions about the pavilion and sent his old employer

the Draughts of the window frames for his examination. the Dorick of diocletion, baths, chambray is not in the Book of Palladio which I have, and I must aske the faver of Mr. Jefferson to lone me the book to lay down my cornice and I will immediately return it safe. I will be thankefull for instructions as respects the ceiling of the Portico which I have to do, those that are now finishing I discover are calculated for the ceilings to finish close down on the Top of the Cap of the Column, this kinde of finish it appears to me will have an Aucword affect, but if the ceiling is resest and the Architrave of the cornice is returnd on the inside of the Portico it will make a meteriall change in the appearance of the Columns, and will come something neare the rule lade down by Palladio for finishing of Porticoes. Our Proctor is not heare, he gave me no positive instructions as to the manner of finish but referred to those that were going on. it is nesary for the Scantling to be made sutable for the finish.⁽²⁸⁸⁾

Less than two months later George W. Spooner, Jr., informed the proctor that Oldham was "Making his Frames & we shall be ready for his floor of Joists in the course of tomorrow."⁽²⁸⁹⁾ Oldham had only one helper, however, and a few days later Spooner urged Brockenbrough to send some "hands" to Oldham as soon as possible, "as I am affraid the bricklayers will be delayd on his building, for they are really ready for his Joists."⁽²⁹⁰⁾

Lumber Hauled

The pace of Dinsmore's, Oldham's, and Ware's work is best glimpsed by examining the amount of materials delivered to the university for them. From 14 April to 29 May, John Pollock, who ran his own small sawmill, hauled a dozen wagon loads of plank from Gilmore's, Garth's, and Maury's sawmills to Dinsmore's buildings.⁽²⁹¹⁾ In addition he carted two wagon loads of tin from the Milton Ferry on the Rivanna River to the university. The typical charge for hauling a load of plank was $6.67, and Pollock earned a total of $76.20 for delivering the 14 wagon loads of material.⁽²⁹²⁾ Pollock received $20 for 4 days worth of "Hawling plank from Opie Lindsays" to Dinsmore later in the summer.⁽²⁹³⁾ On 8 May Pollock also began hauling for the Dinsmore & Perry partnership, which he continued to do through 9 July. Nine wagon loads from Humphrey's and Flanagan's sawmills at $7.50 each earned Pollock $67.50 from Dinsmore & Perry.⁽²⁹⁴⁾ William D. Meriwether, one of the directors of the Rivanna Company, delivered 2,424 feet of 1½ inch plank to "Pavillion No 111" on the West Lawn for Dinsmore & Perry in late summer, getting $72.72 in return for his trouble.⁽²⁹⁵⁾

So much lumber was required at the university, in fact, that in mid-May Brockenbrough requested Alexander Garrett to advertise locally for the material, which the bursar immediately did, although he feared that no proposals would materialize.⁽²⁹⁶⁾ After a month William Wood finally offered to furnish well-seasoned plank and "any scantling, & of any length you may want, upon as good terms as you can get it of others." The rub was that he would not deliver any before October.⁽²⁹⁷⁾ And in July a Mr. Gentry also handed in an offer to "contract for a large quantity" but nothing apparently came of that proposal either.⁽²⁹⁸⁾ The situation so frustrated James Oldham that he

perchas'd some timber standing, from 4 to 5½ miles distant and I expect to have all my large timber hewn this weake, if Capt. Wm. D. Meriwether does not disappoint me in the Scantling he ingaged to cut I think I shall be able to all my timber in suffitien Time, he informs me the logs are redy but the water is two low to worke his mill, and I am fearefull he will faile in his ingagement, if you could do me the favor to ingage me a pare of Sawyers I have no doubt but I could prepare a Suffitiency of Scantling in time as the worke progresses; when you was heare I mentioned to you that I had ritten . . . for a pare of Sawyers. . . . on monday last I made an inga[g]ement of 7 or 8 thousand feet of lumber 10 miles distant, the quality I have no doubt you will be satisfyed with.⁽²⁹⁹⁾

Oldham purchased the last-mentioned lumber, 7,462 running feet, on 17 July from Jonathan Michie, for $146.57½.⁽³⁰⁰⁾ Before the Virginia summer heat even began to fade Oldham purchased another 14,957 feet of scantling from Meriwether, for use on Pavilion I and its adjacent dormitories for $673.06, and a month later bought from Jesse Garth 1,898 feet more for the same buildings, at a cost of $28.97½.⁽³⁰¹⁾

Richard Ware received his share of lumber too, although it was August by the time Robert Lindsay "Halled" the first wagon load. Lindsay, between 7 and 25 August, delivered at least 14 wagon loads of plank to the Philadelphian working on the east side of Jefferson's square—nearly 13,000 feet—at a cost of $392.33.⁽³⁰²⁾ George W. Spooner, Jr., complained to the proctor that William D. Meriwether was furnishing lumber to Oldham at $4.50 delivered at the university, exceeding "fifty Cents the Hundred the differance in price" that Ware paid to Nelson Barksdale. Ware "can better explain the nature of his arrangment," said Spooner, although Meriwether was willing to furnish the "timbers for a nother building on the same terms all but the heart Inch & half plank."⁽³⁰³⁾ A week later, however, the fickle Spooner had changed his mind, saying that "I am since induced to think otherwise as the Heart Plank agreed for, Mr Mere's will not engage to get which makes the other preferable."⁽³⁰⁴⁾ John Bishop, who served in the Albemarle County militia with James Dinsmore and Alexander Garrett during the War of 1812,⁽³⁰⁵⁾ hauled lumber to Ware for 12¼ days between 16 August and 6 September, receiving $61.25 in compensation.⁽³⁰⁶⁾ In September Ware authorized the proctor to give James Stone an advance of $10 for hauling timber from his sawmill to Ware's buildings because "the beairer has left his Wagon Wheel many Miles from here to be Repaired & can not get it without A little mony."⁽³⁰⁷⁾ A couple days later Ware wrote Brockenbrough again, requesting that a $40 order be drawn for George Milliway who had hauled 8 days at $5 per day, "he Stats to me he can get the Money for the Same of A friend of his in Charlottesville."⁽³⁰⁸⁾ Richard Ware also had the privilege of purchasing the last bit of plank for the entire year just a week before Christmas from former Proctor Barksdale, some $1,383.51 worth of "Scantling & Hart plank delivered for Pavelian N. 1. N 2 and four Dormatarys betwen Pavelians & joist for Six dormatarys South of Pavelian No 2 E. Range."⁽³⁰⁹⁾

Local Merchants

As for other progress at the site, merchant accounts probably reveal who was making the best show. The Central College had purchased all of its iron-mongery and many other goods from hardware merchant James Leitch of Charlottesville. Leitch of course was content to continue the arrangement with the newly designated University of Virginia. But in May 1819 local merchants, sensing quite correctly that there was real money to made off the buildings that were beginning to rise on the former farm one mile to the west, expressed dissatisfaction at Leitch's "exclusive privilege" of furnishing the "Iron mongary &c."⁽³¹⁰⁾ John Winn & Co. delayed submitting a proposal because its proprietor, John Winn, who along with Leitch had served on a committee appointed to view sites for the Albemarle Academy in 1814,⁽³¹¹⁾ was away on business in Richmond, but the company did eventually get its share of business.⁽³¹²⁾ Area merchant firm Bramham & Jones agreed to furnish "such Merchandise as may be wanting for the use of said buildings at ten per cent On the Costs, and Charges of getting the Materials to Charlottesville."⁽³¹³⁾ The bursar advised the proctor to contract in the capital city if it was "much better for the institution," but Richmond firms did not play a significant role in furnishing material for the building of the university until August, right before Brockenbrough's removal from Richmond to the university site.⁽³¹⁴⁾

Richmond Firms

Brockenbrough & Harvie, the first Richmond enterprise that the proctor appealed to, shipped the university seven casks of nails weighing 1,430 pounds on 7 August and another seven casks on 16 August. Altogether the two shipments, which included 8, 10, 12, 16, 24, and 30 penny nails as well as number 6, 10, and 12 brads, represented $225.14 worth of nails plus the $1.25 per hundred shipping costs that wagoner James Guthrie collected for transporting the material. Guthrie, by the way, carried some beds and a dozen chairs to the construction site for the proctor, who was anticipating his family's move.⁽³¹⁵⁾ From its initial August shipment through June 1821, Brockenbrough & Harvie shipped $1,011.02 worth of assorted nails to the university's carpenters (although only one other shipment was made in 1819, $26.39 worth in October).⁽³¹⁶⁾

John Van Lew & Co. was probably the biggest Richmond firm to supply the early University of Virginia with materials. On 9 August Brockenbrough purchased 24 dozen brass sash pulleys for $39 from the company after James Oldham requested for his buildings 8 dozen "Window Pullyes and the Screws for them, theare is none at Leitches."⁽³¹⁷⁾ Additionally, the proctor spent another $38.34 for 25 gross of assorted screws and over 30,000 sprigs ranging from ½ to 2 inches in size.⁽³¹⁸⁾ John M. Perry needed "Some locks and common but hinges & Screws" and "5 boxes Boston Crown Glass 10 x 12" for his buildings that could not be found locally,⁽³¹⁹⁾ and the firm obligingly shipped the 515 pounds of material to Charlottesville via wagoner Andrew Jamison, who earned $7.72 for the four day trip.⁽³²⁰⁾ The glass turned up "somewhat broken," however, and Van Lew suggested that it "perhaps may have been roughly handled by the Waggoner," who also had delivered "And Irons & Candlestick" for the proctor's own use.⁽³²¹⁾ John Pollock, the wagoner who spent the spring and summer hauling plank from the sawmills to the construction site, also hauled iron from Richmond that the university purchased from John Van Lew & Co.⁽³²²⁾ By July 1820, when the firm handed in its account with Richard Morris's statement that "We are very needy, We shall be pleased to receive the amount as soon as convenient," John van Lew & Co. had shipped $1,448.50 worth of hardware, tools, and other building materials to the university. Items the account lists include nails, screws, brads, locks, pulleys, hinges, glass, glue, tin plate, sheet lead, sheet iron, tar, sandpaper, rope, cord, a dozen plane irons, 6 files and a rasp, 4 hammers, 2 bells, a ripper, a bellows, an anvil, a vice, and a plow, plus sacks of salt, 4 barrels of herring and one of shad, and a charge for placing an advertisement for a quarryman.⁽³²³⁾

Out-of-State Sources

The only out-of-state firm that seems to have furnished materials directly to the university in 1819 was P. A. Sabbaton of New York City, who previously had supplied Brockenbrough with the "Gate Post's for the Governor's Square" in Richmond. Brockenbrough wrote Sabbaton seeking information about sash weights for James Dinsmore, who later sent a memorandum to the proctor containing his own prices for having them made.⁽³²⁴⁾ Sabbaton wrote back to Brockenbrough on 4 June to inform him that weights "Such as are made use of in Virginia, (with a pully in them) they will cost You 4½ cents" per pound, or "if you use Such as are made use of here, that is made round about from 1 to 2 inches diameter, having a hole in One end, or a wire to receive the cord, they can be afforded for 4 cents" a pound. He instructed the proctor to include the "weight & Size of each, & the length they ought be" when ordering, and recommended "an Article generally made use off here to prevent the Chimney from Smoking, and preserve the fire Place, they last almost as long as the House, and look very neat, 2 Jambs and a back come at 12 Dollars, we can make them at any time, to any Size."⁽³²⁵⁾ On Christmas eve Sabbaton made out a bill for two hundred window weights that he had placed on board a ship for Bernard Peyton on 15 November.⁽³²⁶⁾ The eight and nine pound sash weights, at the 4¼ cents per pound rate for 1,764 pounds, cost $79.38 (plus $1 for "Carting On board"). Sabbaton also offered "franklins much handsomer that those I Saw at Mr. Peyton—for 20$ each—& I beleive are somewhat larger—There is also a Grate & false Back to be put in occasionally to burn Coal, or even wood, but that makes them come 2$ higher."⁽³²⁷⁾

Another out-of-state firm, the Boston Glass Manufactory on Essex Street in Boston, did provide glass for the university through their Richmond agent, Smith & Riddle, a firm that collapsed in May 1819 about the time that the university placed a large order with it for glass. Jefferson wrote Charles F. Kupfer of the manufactory in mid-June with a request for him to expedite the order, informing Kupfer that the university buildings "will require between 4. and 5,000. sq. feet of glass all 12. by 18. I. during the present and next year, and still largely afterwards. not so much this year as the next, having already recieve a considerable part for this year from Smith & Riddle. this renders a reappointment of agents for your manufactory at Richmond interesting."⁽³²⁸⁾ The failure of Smith & Riddle, it turned out, did not prohibit Andrew Smith from continuing to act as an agent for the Boston Glass Manufactory, and Jefferson had to write back to Kupfer ten days later in order to prevent a "double supply" of the famed glass.⁽³²⁹⁾

Back in Charlottesville, James Leitch, without enclosing a proposal, wrote Brockenbrough in mid-May to inform the proctor that at his store in town he had "on hand Locks, Nails, Screws, Spriggs, Window pulleys—Sash Cord, Glass, Hinges, Tin, Lead, paints &c. purchased at request for the Central College Sufficient to complete the Buildings at present putting up—I presume nothing further will be wanting untill I shall have the pleasure of a personal interview with you at this place when I am in hopes to have it in my power to make Such proposals as will be Satisfactory." Moreover, Leitch reminded the proctor of the impending arrival of 2 rolls of sheet lead and 20 boxes of tin at "John & Saml. Parkhills—& Six Boxes 12 x 18 Glass at Smith & Riddles," materials that would then be forwarded to Charlottesville for the construction site.⁽³³⁰⁾ Leitch, in spite of his fears, continued as a major supplier for the university and in the next eleven months alone he handled $3,267.24 worth of goods for the builders. The materials included glass, putty, sandpaper, sprigs, screws, nails, locks, hinges, shovels and spades, a wire sifter, tin, lead, iron, steel, blasting powder, saltpetre, candles, writing paper, wafers, quills, whiskey, salt, and some unknown items purchased by the contractors.⁽³³¹⁾

Miscellanies

A few other loose ends respecting the building had to be tied beginning in the spring and summer of 1819. Thomas Cooper promised that Philadelphia could produce a tin man for the university as early as January 1819 but one still had not been found at the end of July,⁽³³²⁾ by which time A. H. Brooks long since had crossed the Blue Ridge Mountains from Staunton: in early July he was "progressing with the tin Covering & expects to finish next week."⁽³³³⁾ By the fall the word was out that "you are covering your houses with tin," and John Van Lew & Co. offered to furnish the university with that article out of its "large supply."⁽³³⁴⁾ John Perry's undated estimate for the cost of covering "one range of dormitories done with wood—99 feet long" was probably made before or shortly following the 26 February resolution by the visitors of the Central College to cover the roofs with tin, before A. H. Brooks was consulted.⁽³³⁵⁾ Perry projected the cost for framing and covering the 38 squares of roofing area with 22 inch wooden shingles, "includeing guttering Joint" and running 1,008 feet of "Shingleing ridges," to be $905, or $295.93 less than covering the same area with sheet iron for $1,200.88.⁽³³⁶⁾ Preliminary discussions about gutters began in May, apparently before Perry made that memorandum.⁽³³⁷⁾ It was another year, however, before Brockenbrough questioned the rector about whether to substitute tin gutters for wooden ones on the dormitories and flat-roofed pavilions. "It takes 26 Feet of gutter to go over the dormitory & that at about 25 cents pr foot for Materials & workmanship will cost $6.50 for each gutter," said the proctor. Tin gutters, he calculated, could be made for $5.34 each since a $15 "box of tin will make 8 gutters . . . will be say $2. for the tin necessary for each gutter, the workmanship for puting in the same 1$ more pr gutter all other work preparing, will not be more than $2.34."⁽³³⁸⁾

Wooden Pipes

The resolution to bring water to the university by wooden pipes from the "neighboring highlands" was passed at the same visitors' meeting that resolved to cover the roofs with tin rather than wooden shingles.⁽³³⁹⁾ By late June the decision whether to contract out the pipe boring or do it with university workmen still had not been made, so Jefferson left it to the proctor.⁽³⁴⁰⁾ The matter rested till August, when George W. Spooner, Jr., directed the "Overseear of the Labouers to proceed with foure hands to get the logs for the conveyance of the water."⁽³⁴¹⁾ Only three days later Spooner reported to the proctor that "We have nearly all the logs out for conveying the water & shall commence Waggoning them tomorrow."⁽³⁴²⁾

Two weeks later James Wade of Lynchburg, a "Very Industrious, punctual man; experienced in the business," appeared at Jefferson's doorsteps at Poplar Forest wishing to become the "undertaker of Laying the pipes for Conveying water to the university," as Samuel Jordan Harrison's letter of introduction said.⁽³⁴³⁾ Willing to undertake at the Philadelphia prices, "whatever they are, altho' he does not know what they are," Wade considered white oak (which he advised not to be cut until the last of September!) by far the "best & most durable & prefers joining the logs by wrought iron boxes & iron hoops on their ends."⁽³⁴⁴⁾ Wade visited the construction site and upon his return home wrote to the proctor to offer for consideration the propriety of having a reservoir that was projected for the mountain placed in such a manner

as to take the water of all the springs in at the top, and the pipes leading to the university to run from the bottom, on that plan you would have the command of all the water of the reservoir without the trouble of pumping, and in case of Fire the Water would flow in the greatest abundance, a handsome Jet d'eau might be formd with the overplus water if it was thought proper—if this plan would meet your approbation a circular Reservoir made of Oak Plank 2½ or 3 Inches thick, to hold 30 or 40 thousand Gallons, would answer it might be sunk sufficently deep to have a Brick arch to cover it, tis my opinion a Vessel properly made and well bound with Iron would last 30 Years or much longer.⁽³⁴⁵⁾

A version of Wade's reasonable plan was adopted by the university a few years later (see appendix T). When in the following spring the university was still without a pipe-layer, Elija Huffman and Aaron Fray proposed to lay pipe for 6¼ cents "per foot running measure the logs to be delivered in the most convenient place to suit ourselves, the diging & filling up and the boxes to be furnished by the institution—the worked to be executed in a masterly manner." Huffman is recorded as laying pipes for the institution until the end of the year earning $242.53 by the end of September; whether Fray worked as his partner is unknown.⁽³⁴⁶⁾ By mid-June 1820 the proctor could report that "Our pipe borers are laying down the logs they are down for 300 yards—I have conveyed it 300 yards in a covered ditch at the end of which is a reservoir, 6 by 7 feet & 5 feet deep from whence I take water."⁽³⁴⁷⁾

Carter & Phillips

By about mid-summer Curtis Carter and William B. Phillips were well on their way to fulfilling the brickwork contract that obligated them to make and lay 300,000 bricks before the first of November. On 20 August Phillips wrote to the proctor to let him know that his men had put up the walls of the first story of Pavilion I "& shall finish the dormantarys walls tomorow," after which the "[1]st. tier of Sleepers" could be laid. Furthermore, he estimated they would finish in 12 or 13 days "with all ease." "Please inform me which will be my next Job," Phillips said, "so as an arrangement may be maid for me to begin, If I should wait for work haveing all my hands together at Considerable expence, it will be A ruining Stroke if we are not Keeped imployed."⁽³⁴⁸⁾ A week later John Hartwell Cocke, Jr., (who attended grammar school in the area) visited the brickyard to watch the artisans at work. The dispatch with which the men carried on their work and which allowed them to finish ahead of schedule is evident in the description the young boy sent to his father:

I have been to the brickyard as you requested me, but as I know very little about brickmaking you must excuse me for not giving you as satisfactory a discription of it, as I otherwise would have done.—The yard is laid off in a more regular manner than I ever saw one, and every thing seem to go on with perfect order. They do not make up their mortar as we do with Oxen but with a spade, and make it in large piles and cover it with planks a day before they use it, the hole is near a branch and they always have a good deal of water in it. they have the table near the place, that they lay down the bricks and move it as they lay them down, and the mud is rolled to it. I have not yet Seen them moulding brick as I went there just as they began to Kiln they hack all the bricks in single hacks and under a large shelter which is erected for the perpose, which efectually keeps off the sun and rain. the kiln which I saw, was lined with a stone wall about a foot thick, about half way and the other part with brickbats:—they have got up the third pavilion as far as the first story, and have finished the brick-work of the dormitories between that and the Corinthian building.⁽³⁴⁹⁾

In the first three weeks of September, Carter & Phillips received 87 cords of wood (costing $247.50) at their kiln so that their gang could burn clinkers in expectation of finishing their project.⁽³⁵⁰⁾

Jefferson's View of the Progress

As the summer waned, Jefferson, in a letter to the proctor written at Poplar Forest, took stock of where the building process stood. The west side of the lawn, it could be said, was shaping up fine. The brick work for Pavilion I would be finished in days, and the skillful hands of James Oldham could be counted on to fulfill his agreement for its wooden work. Pavilion II was "done with." Dinsmore & Perry, united together (with Matthew Brown), had engaged for the brick and wood work of Pavilion III. "No. 4. done with and No. 5. not engaged." The hotels and dormitories on the back street, originally intended for the Philadelphia workmen, would not be built this year because of the superintendence committee's spring disagreement. But the Philadelphians, led by Richard Ware, were busy at work building three pavilions on the east lawn and Jefferson had not wavered in his wish that "this whole range may be executed by them." The dormitories no. 1 to 10 were reserved for Carter & Phillips, which had nearly completed the first four, and the last six, sandwiched in between Pavilions II and III, could be started whenever the brickmason's wanted. They would require 60 or 70,000 bricks, and after that, "according to circumstances," Carter & Phillips could have either Pavilion V on the west lawn or one of the remaining two on the east side.⁽³⁵¹⁾

Board of Visitors Meeting

Jefferson returned from Bedford in time to ascertain first hand the state of affairs at the university in preparation for the Board of Visitors meeting on Monday 4 October. The board's first action was to ratify the actions taken by the committee of superintendence six months earlier. Next, it instructed the proctor to make an estimate of the amount of money needed to build the last three pavilions and their dormitories. The board also authorized the proctor to take the necessary measures to procure for the "two Italian artists" some "proper Stone or marble" since all the local stone proved incapable of "being wrought into Capitels for the Columns" of the pavilions. At the meeting the visitors effectively looked ahead beyond the curtailment of the present building season to the ensuing one, for winter was closing in fast and the contractors were set to sit it out as best they could. After a final October surge, progress in building would be slow and at best steady for the next four or five months.

At their meeting the visitors, as required by law, approved the draft of its annual report to the president and directors of the Literary Fund, "embracing a full account of the disbursements, the funds on hand, and a general statement of the condition of the Sd. University." An inventory of the property formerly owned by the Central College appended to the report showed that one pavilion and 15 dormitories "have been as nearly finished as is deemed expedient until wanted for occupation," and one other pavilion was scheduled to be completed during the winter. Five other pavilions "more or less advanced" and about 20 additional dormitories "in progress," the inventory showed, will "probably have their walls completed and covered in during the present season, but will not be otherwise finished but in the course of another . . . for two seasons being generally requisite for the accomplishment of good buildings, the one for their walls and covering, the other for inner finishings."⁽³⁵²⁾ Six weeks later the interior work on the second-mentioned pavilion, "far the best of the whole," had progressed so as to guarantee its completion in the coming winter but its garden still was not inclosed, and "as it is to be done with brick, there may be a doubt whether the season is not too far advanced to risk it."⁽³⁵³⁾ (The pavilion was "finished except plaistering and painting" at winter's end.)⁽³⁵⁴⁾ On the first of December, when Jefferson finally sent the report to the Literary Fund, he could add in his cover letter that "the walls of the 7. pavilions and 37. dormitories then in progression, have been compleated; and their roofs are in forwardness to be put up in due time. their inner and outer finishings will be the work of the ensuing year."⁽³⁵⁵⁾ Two of the Corinthian shafts were scheduled to be in place by then, along and with 6 of the Doric on Pavilion IV and VIII or X of the Tuscan.⁽³⁵⁶⁾

Carpenters' Dispute

The visitors barely had departed from their October session when Brockenbrough discovered that he had created some confusion by letting out part of the work that the committee of superintendence intended for John Neilson to George W. Spooner, Jr., who had served as the proctor's faithful agent at the university during the months that Brockenbrough remained in Richmond. (Spooner, the principal carpenter at Hotels C and E and dormitories 14–23 and 24–28 on the east range, served as proctor himself in 1845–1846 and supervised the construction of Robert Mill's Rotunda Annex in 1853.)⁽³⁵⁷⁾ Brockenbrough had set Spooner to work "making the window frames and a part of the work of the first floor" of Pavilion IX before he learned that the committee had reserved the building for Neilson. When the proctor realized the potential conflict, he set aside the unallotted portion of the pavilion's work for Neilson, who was advised of the situation and immediately left Bremo for the university site to "make the necessary arrangements for the job."⁽³⁵⁸⁾ Spooner, it turned out, already had collected the materials needed for both the cellar and first floor, "except the first floor of Joists," and started to make not only the window frames but interior doors.

When knowledge of Spooner's progress surfaced it put Nelson "in a very cerly mood" and the proctor in an especially awkward predicament. "I am certainly desirous that Mr Nelson should have the Pavilion," Brockenbrough informed Jefferson on 12 October, "but having made this previous engagement . . . I feel myself bound to let him go with it that far." Since Nelson "is not disposed to hear any thing I have to say on the subject," the proctor pressed Jefferson to find a compromise, especially since Spooner's work would not interfere with the part left for Nelson. "If you think I must discard this young man notwithstanding the expence & trouble he has been at to provide materials & prepare the work, I will do so," Brockenbrough said, "otherwise I shall let him go with the part engaged to him."⁽³⁵⁹⁾ Jefferson, quite ill with "the dry hard belly ake attended with a great portion of wind,"⁽³⁶⁰⁾ and hence unable to intervene in the dispute, forwarded the proctor's request to the other member of the committee of superintendence with the instruction that he "decide upon the business of this letter himself."⁽³⁶¹⁾

When confronted with the situation Cocke insisted that the contract with Spooner "should be faithfully complied with," but at the same time he thought it might be modified in such a manner consistent with Spooner's "expectations & interest, and will enable us to fulfil the assurance which both Mr. J & myself have always given Mr. N—that he shou'd find employment at the University as soon as his existing engagements wou'd admit of his undertaking."⁽³⁶²⁾ Cocke recently had employed both Neilson and Spooner in the building of his Palladian mansion Bremo and presumably knew the temperament of each man well enough to effect a reconciliation of interests. The compromise that Cocke suggested for the workmen gave to Spooner the "Sash frames, & joists, of 2d. Story & the roof & Sheeting" and to Neilson the "making the Sashes the external Cornice and the whole of the inside work and the use of a part of the workshop now in the occupancy of Spooner at an equitable rent.—This seems to me to be yeilding to Mr. Spooner as much as he will be giving up to Mr. N."⁽³⁶³⁾ Spooner's progress was such that the proposal had to be modified somewhat in early November,⁽³⁶⁴⁾ and it was December before the pavilion was ready for Nelson's part of the work to begin.⁽³⁶⁵⁾

The Year Ends

As the traditional season for building in the handcraft era approached its climax in 1819, Jefferson could look back upon it with satisfaction in spite of the year's setbacks (particularly the inability of the stone carvers to keep pace because of the poor quality of their material). By Christmas eve the approach of winter in the "more genial climate" of his Virginia south, Jefferson observed to George Ticknor of Harvard, "is scarcely announced by it's harbingers ice and snow." "Repeated and severed attacks of illness" since his visit to Warm Springs after the meeting of the Rockfish Gap Commission in the fall of 1818 had not often prevented his excursions to the university for "daily exercise." With glee Jefferson could exclaim that the "hobby of his old" age was carried on with "much activity and hope, and will form an unique and beautiful Academical Villa," in which every professor "will have a distinct house, or pavilion, to himself," of the "best workmanship of street architecture, intended as regular and classical models for the lectures on that subject. to each is annexed a garden and other conveniencies."⁽³⁶⁶⁾