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Some Reflections on Jewish Values, Jewish Sensibilities, and Their Transmission
Daniel Weiss
University of Virginia
My initial
understanding of Jewish sensibilities was shaped in large part by the example
of my parents, and by stories I was told by my parents and grandparents about
my great-grandparents, whom I never met. While it is impossible to reconstruct
all the different points of influence, I describe a few here in order to give a
sense of the worldview I eventually developed. For instance, I heard stories
from my father about the different jobs he had worked before I was born, in
schools and nursing homes, working with the mentally and physically
handicapped. Though these were never described as specifically "Jewish"
activities, somehow the two became intertwined for me. "These are the jobs my
Dad had, my Dad is Jewish, my Dad is a role model for me--therefore these are
Jewish things to do." Someone else might have started with the same
premises without combining them to draw my conclusion, but the human mind, especially
a child's mind, works in mysterious ways. To take another example, I vividly
remember a story that my grandfather recounted several times about his father:
"I was in shul with my father as a young boy. I saw another man spit on the
floor, and told my father. He said to me, 'Don't worry about what other people
do--you worry about what you do.'" Words of wisdom from the archetypal
immigrant Jew, conveyed to his great-grandson. That I had never met the man
only added to the legendary quality of the story, and hence to my idealized
image of Jewishness. Similarly, I heard from my father and grandmother how my
Aunt Eva (actually, my great-great-aunt, whom I had met as a young child but
never really knew well), another immigrant, had participated in labor rallies
and was heavily involved in the Workmen's Circle. So, in addition to
compassion and self-examination, social justice was added to the mix. Another
part of my past that stands out in my memory is the fourth grade Sunday School
class at Temple Beth-El, taught by my mother. There, the curriculum focused on
Jewish values, explicitly designated as such. We learned about kevod habriot,
derech eretz, pikuah nefesh, and other concepts with roots in the
Jewish ethical and religious tradition. For me, these were not just
fourth-grade-Sunday-School values; they were Jewish values, esteemed and
embodied by Jews worldwide. To be a Jew was to be an ethical human being who
was sensitive to others and worked to help those in need. At that time, I had
little if any conceptual distinction between ideal Jewish values and attitudes
and actual Jewish attitudes. Jews were supposed to be ethically sensitive, and
so therefore they were ethically sensitive. Any observed exceptions in
my youth and adolescence were written off as anomalies--later in life, I was
sure, I would find many Jewish communities whose values resonated with mine.
Jewishness was--had to be--a goldene medinah, whose streets were paved
with ethical gold.
Importantly, while the
values of Jewishness were to be found in the Jewish religious tradition,
religious observance was separate from my category of being a good Jew, of
being a mensch. A Jewish person could observe much or little (though
Jews who observed a lot were kind of weird, sort of like those Christians who
"believed" all that stuff), but the main point was to be found in one's empathy
and efforts for helping other people. Note too that "other people" meant all
other people, regardless of group boundaries. While I may have carried a
Jewish/non-Jewish distinction in terms of ideal ethical standards (i.e. I felt
more strongly that Jews have an obligation to be ethical), there was no such
distinction regarding the object of that ethical concern.
Fast forward to the
present, where experiences and encounters of recent years had put a strain on
the unity of the ideal and the actual. From a minyan of youthful tax attorneys
in New York, to my growing awareness of Israeli military policies and the
attitudes of many American Jews towards them, something was not right. I see
Jews, but where are their Jewish values? What's going on? Despite these
pressures, my idealized version of Jewishness was not so easily defeated. If
the realities of the present are too incongruous, I must have subconsciously
reasoned, then I will retreat to the past. Because these ethical values are Jewish
values (really, they must be!), if they are not apparent now, that is only
because they must have been lost--somehow--over the course of the past few
generations. Just as I had dismissed individual instances that clashed with my
preconceived notions as anomalies and aberrations, so now the present became a
temporal aberration of recent origin. But, oh, that immigrant generation!--my
great-grandparents, and all those Jews in the labor movement, and Yiddish--they
must still have had the Jewish values. (And, conveniently, since that
generation is no longer here, there was no risk of them proving me wrong.
Because the past is not now, time-wise, it is that much easier to imagine that
it also is not like now, value-wise.)
After reading
Vanessa Ochs' essay on Jewish sensibilities, I continued to read and think
about issues raised by it, seeking especially to apply her ideas to that
generation of immigrant Jews in order to learn the details and sources of their
values, and what had since become of them. In the process, I came to reassess
some of my initial assumptions, and the very concept of "Jewish values" has
been complicated and called into question for me. In particular, Barbara
Myerhoff's Number Our Days--her 1978 study of a group of elderly Jews
(most of them immigrants from Eastern Europe) at the Aliyah Senior Citizens
Center in Venice, California--was instrumental in combatting my romanticized
vision, through its forthright portrayal of human weaknesses and frailties and
by the way it gives faces to history. Here, keeping Ochs' article in mind, I
present an analysis of Number Our Days that explores the nature of
Jewish values and sensibilities through a focus on their transmission or lack
thereof.
One key assumption
that I began to reconsider was the idea that values change or are lost only
over successive generations. This approach views the values of any given
generation as fixed and static possessions; while a gap may occur between
generations, each generation has a stable grasp on its own values. If this
were the case, a natural place to look for the breakdown would be in the
process of transmission. However, Myerhoff's study of the Center people shows
that apparent shifts in values can occur within a single generation. Consider
Faegl's comment, which extricates Myerhoff from a budding quarrel: "Faegl
rescued me. 'Basha! You think everyone who isn't a Zionist is an
anti-Semite? Shame on you. You used to be an internationalist. You used to
have beliefs.'"[1] Sofie,
another Center member, extends this to the Center community as a whole:
"Everybody here was a Socialist, a Communist, an anarchist twenty years ago."[2]
Making a similar assessment, Shmuel also identifies when (from his perspective)
the change occurred: "Those people at the Center forget their own past. Most
of them were at one time Bundists, internationalists, at least Marxists. We
all got along all right with our differences until the Six Day War in Israel. Then they went crazy with Zionism."[3] These three
independent accounts indicate that this shift was a real phenomenon. The
multiplicity of ways in which we might describe or account for it can shed
light on what 'values' are, more generally.
For instance, one
account that we might give is that the Center people previously had a strong
commitment to internationalism for its own sake, that this was a deeply-rooted
value of theirs. Nationalism and the wars it produces, they would have said,
are contrary to our Jewish principles, which commit us to the sanctity of human
life. In order to explain the shift in their attitudes, we would have to say
that their values were altered or readjusted by outside events over the course
of the years. For instance, perhaps the violence of the Holocaust led them to
reassess their ideas about the need for military and state power and the
possession of land. In this portrayal, their values at both points in time are
conscious, reasoned assessments of the situation at hand.
Another account would
not attribute the change in attitude to a change in consciously-held values,
but would instead suggest the Center people were not fully aware of their
motivations at either stage. In their earlier decades, the Center people's
outward claim was that they were internationalists, but the particular
circumstances of the time could have concealed a potential inward conflict.
That is, they may actually have had an affinity for internationalism, valuing
its universalism in accord with the sanctity of human life, but they may also
have possessed a tendency for group mentality and for us-versus-them thinking.
Formerly, the second tendency may have lain dormant, since there was no Jewish
state or military power to which it could attach itself. Thus, the first
tendency could express itself without conflict, so that a person might not even
realize that the second exists. He or she would have said, "I value
internationalism, period," not "I value internationalism now, but that is only
because there is no feasible way for my us-versus-them thinking to express
itself." Later, when the outward circumstances had changed, the Center people
were no longer internationalists. They may still have possessed the same
beliefs about the sanctity of life, etc., but these were now dominated by other
tendencies, which were there potentially all along. From this point of view,
we could even say that their "values" actually remained constant throughout,
but this term would now refer to the collection of potential tendencies, and
not to the form of outward actualization at any one time.
For instance, consider
Hannah's statement: "We mustn't forget that we are Jews because sooner or later
someone will come along and remind us. We must hold on to our land, Eretz
Yisroel, no matter who tries to drive us into the sea."[4]
A sense of Jewish persecution and an emotional commitment to "Eretz Yisroel"
has long existed among many Jews, but the merging of this tendency with "we
must hold on to our land" expresses an attitude that is a more recent
manifestation. When the Jews had no land to hold on to, such a formulation
would have been impossible, Yet, there may be a common human tendency for an
individual or group to conflate the unavoidable circumstances of their life
with their (ostensibly) freely chosen values. In the absence of a Jewish
state, Jews might tend to describe attachment to land as a non-Jewish value.
When the facts on the ground are different, Hannah's land-oriented approach
could suddenly become quite consistent with other Jewish sensibilities.
This account does not
imply that values will always shift with the winds of circumstances, but only
that a person's attitudes at any one time may not yet have been put to the
test. While one person's present values may be contingent, another person's
may run deeper. For instance, Shmuel states, ""I have always had mixed
feelings about Israel. I told you I'm not a Zionist. Here is what I believe.
Only life itself is sacred, not a nation. A nation is no different from any
other--not America, not Israel, not Russia."[5]
While most of his fellow Center people might have expressed similar sentiments
at an earlier time, the fact that he does so in the 1970's, in the face of
pressures to do otherwise, demonstrates the rootedness of this value in his
worldview. Shmuel's gradual exclusion from the Center's mainstream also shows
the potential for apparent unity to mask underlying diversity in a cultural
group. Previously, when all of the Center Jews expressed their commitment to
internationalism, an observer (and the Center Jews themselves) might have
attributed this consensus to ingrained values instilled by their common Jewish
culture. However, while they all valued internationalism to some degree, there
was probably a wide range of attitudes concerning its relative
importance, even at that time. The clashes that emerged when circumstances
changed would not be best described as a sudden loss of unity, but rather as
the emergence of the diversity that was previously present only in potential.
Re-examining the issue
of transmission in light of this model of values, we see that the agency of the
transmitting generation is called into question. If the professed values of an
earlier generation were in part dependent on their circumstances, they did not
really possess or have full control over the values in a way that would allow
them to hand them on to the next generation. Accordingly, the differing
behaviors of the younger generation may have resulted not from a failure to
pass on "values"--indeed, they may have possessed similar potential
values as the older generation--but rather from the fact that the younger
generation found itself in different circumstances, which led in turn to
different actualized attitudes. In other words, it could be the case that the
older generation, if placed in the circumstances of the younger, would have
behaved in a similar manner. In this way, it would be possible to imagine that
a set of underlying "Jewish values" actually are transmitted, but that
they determine outward behavior and attitudes (i.e. what are normally called
'values') only in conjunction with external circumstances. Thus, when a
similar outward attitude is observed across generations, this alone does not
tell us which factor predominates: is it a result of a deeply-rooted,
entrenched value that has been transmitted, or is it simply a result of similar
circumstances? Likewise, in the absence of a closer investigation, it would be
a mistake to attribute generational differences to a 'decay,' since the earlier
values may have been present only contingently and never as a stable
possession.
Consider, as another
example, the Center people's attitude towards the values of mainstream American
culture. According to Myerhoff, "[T]hey provided a model of an alternative
life-style, built on values in many ways antithetical to those commonly
esteemed by contemporary Americans. The usual markers of success were anathema
to them--wealth, power, physical beauty, youth, mobility, security, social
status--all were out of the question."[6] While their
life may constitute an alternative life-style, it is for the most part not a
freely chosen one. As Jewish immigrants in the early twentieth century, their
opportunities for accumulating wealth and power for themselves were extremely
limited. Accordingly, it makes sense that they would have developed values
that would allow them to hold themselves and their lives as morally
commnedable. However, we should distinguish between two different descriptions
of their situation. On one hand, it could be said that they developed these
values only because they were forced by their circumstances to do so.
On the other hand, one might say that their circumstances enabled them to
preserve their moral suspicion of wealth, allowing them to avoid even the
temptation to avarice. Both descriptions, though, leave open the possibility
that their values might have been different if they had been exposed to more
favorable conditions. Less hypothetically, their children may not have
inherited their parents' disdain for success, if only because their greater
educational and economic opportunities (stemming from the sacrifices of their
parents) presented them, perhaps enticingly, with the option of pursuing wealth
and power.[7]
Once we consider the
effects of changing circumstances, the idea of Jewish values becomes even more
complicated and problematic. What is it that makes Jewish values or Jewish
culture "Jewish"? We would normally want to include a normative element in the
idea of Jewish values, in that they are something that Jews should hold
on to and esteem. However, the 'should' implies the possibility of a 'can'; if
something is not possible, we don't say that someone 'should' do it. If Jewish
values from past generations have been in part dependent on favorable
circumstances, the degree to which they can be voluntarily adopted or
transmitted is lessened. We can say descriptively that these were the
values displayed by this Jewish community at this time, but we
may not be justified in saying that this was the case because those Jews
were steadfast and morally conscientious in maintaining their values. Rather,
those values may have been the product of Jewish efforts combined with
the presence of other factors that encouraged the preservation or
intensification of those values. A later generation may be even more steadfast
and put even more effort into preservation, but if they live in a very
different environment, their efforts may be of little avail. If this is the
case, they can hardly be faulted for being unable to preserve "Jewish values,"
since the prior generation's level of willful commitment would have also been
insufficient in such circumstances.
Thus, what seemed at
one point to be 'characteristically Jewish' cultural values and sensibilities
may turn out to have been quite conditional. This applies in particular to the
ethical values that concerned me, such as awareness of and resistance to
economic and military-national power and injustice. As a result of my recent
readings, I feel that my initial intuitions were partly correct, in that these
sensibilities were relatively prevalent among the Jewish immigrants to America. However, since it also appears that such sensibilities were largely (though not
entirely) transitory, I am now more hesitant in labeling them as "Jewish." At
the same time, I am also aware that sensibilities that are presently still
common among Jews could be similarly contingent, so that any use of the term
"Jewish sensibilities"--except in a provisional sense--seems problematic.
Certainly, it seems unwise to depend on supposedly indigenous Jewish cultural
values as a guarantor of Jewish ethical behavior, especially if such a
dependence leads to a willful ignorance of actual behaviors, which may have
been the case with me. Shmuel's questions thus take on a tragic and plaintive
quality: "Now the Jew never did cruelty to others like the Germans, but he
never had the chance. Do we know if his culture is strong enough to make him
safe from greed and cruelty? The Jews have not been tested in our day.
Because if our culture does not do this for us, then you have to ask, what is
the good of it?"[8]
Looking back at my
earlier desires, I see myself as seeking confirmation of the Jewishness of my
own values. Not content to view them only as the heritage of my immediate
family, nor as a set of yet-unrealized ideals, I wanted to find a living Jewish
community of mensches, even if I had to travel back in time to find it.
Also, perhaps I felt that if I could find evidence that these were real
Jewish values in previous generations, people today might feel more
obligated to live up to them. "See, this really is part of what being
Jewish means--here is my proof!" "Oh, gosh, I didn't realize. I'd better change
my ways." I wanted to call upon history (or what I hoped was history) to
support me, so that I wouldn't be standing or speaking alone. In Shmuel's
terms, I "wanted our culture to do this for us."
Now, I am more
divided. On one hand, since the historical evidence reveals diversity and
fragility as two chief characteristics of Jewish culture and values, it seems
not fully honest to teach or proclaim that "These are Jewish values!" The
simplicity and stability of this statement do not mirror the facts. On the
other hand, I can find true support for the values I esteem in significant parts
of Jewish tradition, both religious and cultural. Thus, I can legitimately
satisfy the fundamental human desire to see myself not as an isolated speck in
time, but as part of an historical continuity. By preserving both of these
poles, I feel that I can live by, stand by, express, and argue for my values as
Jewish, pointing to past exemplars who have embodied them, while avoiding
uncomprehending confusion and frustration when other values appear more
dominant in broader Jewish circles, both past and present. For some, this
balance might always have been obvious, but it took me some time to more fully
reach this point. Academically, I feel better able to explore the relations
among Judaism, Jewish culture and tradition, and moral living, hoping that my
own transition away from idealization will allow me to recognize similar
tendencies in different theoretical accounts of Jewish religion and culture.
Lastly, I have increased gratitude and respect for my parents and family, now
recognizing that the values I learned from them were largely the result of
their own distinctive concerns and sensitivities as individuals, and did not
simply flow naturally or automatically from their "Jewishness."
In relation to Vanessa
Ochs' essay, the analysis presented above points to an extension of some of her
ideas, but also to certain reservations. While I agree with the general thrust
of her argument--that Jews may possess ethical sensibilities deriving from
sources other than knowledge of halakha--she does not give sufficient
attention to the diversity and potential instability of such sensibilities.
For instance, while she writes about "Jews" and "Jewish sensibilities" in
general, I would pose the questions: Jews from where? Jews from when? Would
American Jews whose forbears immigrated from Germany display the same
sensibilities as those whose families came from Eastern Europe? Where would
Sephardic Jews fit into the picture? Are the sensibilities of American Jews in
2006 the same as those in 1906, 1936, or 1976--taking into account both
socioeconomic shifts and dramatic historical changes and upheavals?
I feel that Ochs is
correct in shifting the conversation about lived ethical values towards broader
cultural influences and away from a narrow focus on Jewish texts and halakha,
considered in isolation. However, this same insight makes generalizations
about "Jewish values" more difficult. It may well be the case that many Jewish
immigrants to America shared a roughly similar cultural background--as was the
case for Myerhoff's subjects--in which traditional Jewish teachings and practice
played a major and inescapable role in shaping cultural norms. Accordingly, it
stands to reason that many of the cultural values would mirror rabbinic
concepts to some degree, even when the individual Jews were less educated or
non-practicing. However, the situation of later generations, or even of that
same immigrant generation later in life, was often informed by very different
environmental and cultural features. To be sure, successive generations of
Jews did retain certain commonalties, and we would expect to see some similar
attitudes or sensibilities. Even so, the relative priority of those
sensibilities in ultimately determining lived attitudes and actions may vary
widely. While American Jews may have received, via cultural transmission, the
ethical values of tikkun olam and tzelem elohim, might not
sensibilities stemming from the influences of consumerism or chauvinistic
nationalism sometimes prove more decisive?[9]
This state of affairs could apply to Orthodox as well as non-Orthodox Jews, in
accord with Ochs' observation that even the former's ethical sensibilities are
often shaped by other factors, apart from knowledge of halakha.
I thus take a position
in between Ochs' view--which seeks to defend the Jewish ethical values of Jews
who are unlearned in or do not follow the traditional rabbinic norms as
codified in halakha--and the view she presumably seeks to oppose, i.e.
that knowledge of halakha is always necessary and crucial for the
transmission of Jewish ethical values. While ethical values may be passed down
without the traditional Jewish terminology, it seems to me that explicitly
formulated principles, texts, and practices could play an important role in
strengthening and bringing to consciousness sensibilities that might otherwise
have remained undeveloped and inactive. Particularly when many other
pressures--some not so ethical--go into shaping of contemporary American
sensibilities, knowledge of traditional Jewish concepts could provide a
stabilizing effect. While Ochs claims that conscious knowledge "is not
the precondition for effective cultural transmission from one generation to
another," it may be that the truth of this statement depends on the particular
cultural environment in question. If certain other cultural reinforcements are
present, conscious knowledge may be less important. In other contexts that lack
such reinforcements, or for certain types of sensibilities, conscious knowledge
could be more crucial for successful and continued transmission.
Then again, such
knowledge may itself be insufficient or ineffective. In the absence of other
cultural factors such as ethical role models in family and community life,
knowledge of Jewish ethical formulations is likely to remain at the level of
"in the head," without making it to the heart or the hands. In contrast, as
Ochs suggests, other vehicles of cultural transmission can often plant values
in the heart and hands, without their needing to be in the head. Given the
variations in American Jewish cultural settings, it should not be surprising to
find that many Jewishly uneducated or non-observant individuals may embody the
traditional rabbinic ethical principles (perhaps without knowing their names)
more than do many Jews who are "halakhically observant." Though it
might be difficult to carry out, it would be interesting to see a study that
examined the relationship between lived ethical values and religious
knowledge/observance among American Jews. While interviews and surveys can
display the way that Jews verbalize values, they do not necessarily
correspond to the ways that their values are actually embodied.
In that it
portrays the transmission of Jewish ethical values as an effortless cultural
phenomenon, as a process that occurs "naturally," Ochs' presentation seems a
bit too optimistic. Her argument could be made more solid by acknowledging
that ethical transmission may sometimes fail to occur and by seeking to account
for the relevant factors in this process. Likewise, rather than speaking of
"Jewish sensibilities" unqualifiedly, it may make more sense to specify a
particular Jewish sub-culture and/or time period. If these caveats were
included, her overall point--that ethical values are shaped by a wide variety of
influences, not all of which are textual or explicit--would stand out even more
forcefully and effectively.
NOTES
[1] Barbara G. Myerhoff, Number
Our Days (New York, NY: Simon and Schuster, 1980, c1978), p. 16.
[2] ibid.,
p.134.
[3] ibid.,
p.49.
[4] ibid.,
pp. 94-95.
[5] ibid.,
p.49.
[6] ibid.,
p.20.
[7] On the
relation of an individual's values to change in circumstances, compare Prov.
30:8-9: "Give me neither poverty nor riches, but provide me with my daily
bread, lest, being sated, I renounce, saying, 'Who is the Lord?' Or, being
impoverished, I take to theft and profane the name of my God."
[8] Myerhoff, Number
Our Days, p.194.
[9] On the other
hand, it may well be the case that the influence of American culture on Jews
may have strengthened or intensified some of the ethical sensibilities
described by Ochs. Conversely, certain unethical sensibilities found among
some Jews today may in fact derive from successful Jewish cultural
transmission, though there might be disagreement over what counts as 'ethical'
and what as 'unethical.'
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